Moh. Fadhil
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Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi, Politik Hukum Antikorupsi dan Delegitimasi Pemberantasan Korupsi Moh. Fadhil
Al Ahkam Vol. 15 No. 2 (2019): Juli-Desember 2019
Publisher : Fakultas Syariah UIN Sultan Maulana Hasanuddin Banten

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.37035/ajh.v15i2.2203

Abstract

Dalam membangun sistem hukum yang baik, dibutuhkan tiga variabel penting sebagai motor penggerak legitimasinya yakni formulasi hukum, administrasi hukum dan penegakan hukum. Dalam reformulasi UU KPK, terlihat adanya proses delegitimasi terhadap administrasi dan penegakan hukum. Padahal formulasi hukum sebagai domain politik hukum harus dapat membangun administrasi hukum dan penegakan hukum yang baik sehingga bekerja secara komplementer. Lahirnya UU KPK 2019 justru cacat prosedur akibat lahir dari rezim konfigurasi politik yang delegitimatif terhadap pemberantasan korupsi. Oleh karena itu, tulisan ini ingin memahami eksistensi KPK dalam koridor politik hukum antikorupsi dan kondisi delegitimasi pemberantasan korupsi di Indonesia pasca berlakunya UU KPK 2019. Hasil pembahasan menerangkan bahwa terdapat beberapa pasal yang kontradiktif, kaburnya kedudukan KPK antara lembaga independen atau lembaga subordinasi eksekutif, kedudukan Dewan Pengawas yang ambigu, miskonsepsi penyadapan, domestikasi penyidik dan pegawai KPK menjadi ASN, penyidik Kepolisian di bawah koordinasi institusi asal dan kewenangan SP3 dengan jangka waktu dua tahun. Adapun yang dapat dilakukan untuk menjawab problematika tersebut adalah dengan uji formil di Mahkamah Konstitusi dan melalui Perppu.
The Hypocrisy of Liberation: Power, NGOization, and Crisis in West Kalimantan Legal Aid Moh. Fadhil; Herman, Herman
The Indonesian Journal of International Clinical Legal Education Vol. 7 No. 4 (2025): December
Publisher : Universitas Negeri Semarang

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15294/ijicle.v7i4.38083

Abstract

The structural legal aid movement was initiated by the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI) as an ideological project aimed at cultivating political and legal consciousness among marginalized groups, marking a departure from conventional legal aid models grounded in legal neutrality. Despite its emancipatory narrative, the movement has become increasingly entangled in processes of NGOization, generating institutional ambivalence and dysfunction between parent and local organizations. This article examines the crisis of the structural legal aid movement in West Kalimantan by analyzing the hierarchical relationship between LBH Kalbar and YLBHI. It addresses how emancipatory ideals within the legal aid movement are undermined by NGOization, managerialism, and a fragmented civic space, and explores how power operates within the movement’s internal governance. Employing an empirical legal approach informed by socio-legal ethnography and participant observation, the study investigates organizational dynamics, work culture, and advocacy practices within LBH Kalbar. Primary data were collected through participant observation as an external supporter involved in project-based initiatives and advocacy programmes, while secondary data were drawn from internal documents accessed with institutional permission. The findings demonstrate that the decline of LBH Kalbar cannot be attributed to technical deficiencies or individual incapacity, but rather reflects a deeper ideological conflict between emancipatory praxis and a technocratic governance regime imposed by the parent organization. NGOization has redirected advocacy from community organizing toward performance-driven project work, producing depoliticization, weakened solidarity, activist burnout, and discriminatory governance practices. Power operates through disciplinary mechanisms such as standardization, performance metrics, symbolic surveillance, and organizational restructuring. The study concludes that revitalizing the legal aid movement requires not merely administrative reform, but a reconfiguration of power relations through enhanced regional autonomy and dialogical, participatory governance.