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Hegemoni Amerika Pasca 11/9: Menuju Sebuah Imperium Amerika Baru? Yuliantoro, Nur Rachmat
Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 9, No 1 (2005): Demokrasi: Problema dan Manfaatnya
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (1.795 KB)

Abstract

Post-9/11 American foreign policy has been viewed by many as, if anything, reactualising American grand strategy to form a new American Empire. This is arguably the greatest ideal long imagined by some groups of flea-conservatives that dominating Bushs foreign policy. These groups believe that the United States, supported by its military and economic supremacy, is the uncontested leader of todays world. Their belief has of course been contested by those scholars who argue that building an empire would only weaken – some even say destroy – U.S. dominant position in international relatiohs. This essay tries to describe in brief both groups arguments, while also stressing that the first choice of imperial hegemony is the worst not only for the U.S., but also for the international community.
Between Revisionist and Status Quo: The Case of China’s Leadership in the AIIB Yuliantoro, Nur Rachmat; Dinarto, Dedi
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 7, No 2 (2018): October
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.72131

Abstract

This article seeks to understand China’s foreign policy today by assessing its leadership in the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), using the scholarly term of ‘contested multilateralism’ coined by Julia Morse and Robert Keohane. We argue that since the beginning of the 21st century, China has managed to improve its image as a new global power through the transformation of its foreign policy. In expanding its political sphere, China is using not only peripheral diplomacy but also cross-regional diplomacy strategies through the existing bilateral and multilateral mechanisms. Within this context, we look at a specific case of the creation of the AIIB as evidence of China’s greater participation in the global political economy realm. The AIIB can be seen as how China practices multilateralism in its foreign policy as it is trying to meet domestic, regional, as well as global development and economic challenges. This article argues that the creation of AIIB is not only the implication of China’s fiscal and trade policy, nor merely to solve the regional infrastructure gap in Asia, but also to challenge the U.S. (and Japan) influence through the Asian Development Bank (ADB), in which China possesses minor political power to accommodate its political economic interests.
Pemilihan Presiden Tahun 2016 dan Politik Luar Negeri Amerika Serikat Yuliantoro, Nur Rachmat; Prabandari, Atin; Agussalim, Dafri
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 5, No 2 (2016): October
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.5297

Abstract

This study is trying to project some trends of U.S. foreign policy based on the results of presidential election in 2016. The United States had recently held presidential election on November 8, 2016. The victory of Republican candidate Donald Trump shocked the world that he defeated Democratic Hillary Clinton, who had excelled in some polls before the election. Various controversies raised by Trump did not prevent him from becoming the president-elect, as the global community soon became concerned with the possibility of the unstable international politics. After describing Clinton and Trump’s stand on foreign policy during their campaign, the study will present the results of the presidential election. Trump’s foreign policy is expected to show “the great American power,” but at the same time his favor of protectionism could threaten international economic cooperations involving the United States. The U.S. could see its image of “world police” reduced, but this would not automatically make the world safer. Under the leadership of Trump, American foreign policy will face many problems and challenges that are not easy to solve. Tulisan ini mencoba untuk memproyeksikan beberapa kecenderungan kebijakan luar negeri Amerika Serikat berdasarkan hasil pemilihan presiden tahun 2016. Amerika Serikat baru saja menyelenggarakan pemilihan presiden pada tanggal 8 November 2016. Kemenangan kandidat Partai Republik, Donald Trump, mengejutkan dunia. Ia mengalahkan kanditat partai Demokrat Hillary Clinton, yang unggul dalam beberapa jajak pendapat sebelum pemilu. Berbagai kontroversi yang disampaikan oleh Trump tidak mencegahnya memenangkan pemilihan, membuat masyarakat dunia segera menjadi khawatir dengan kemungkinan politik internasional yang kacau. Setelah menggambarkan posisi Clinton dan Trump pada isu luar negeri selama kampanye mereka, studi ini akan menyajikan hasil pemilihan presiden tahun 2016. Kebijakan luar negeri Trump diharapkan menunjukkan “kekuatan besar Amerika,” tetapi pada saat yang sama kecenderungan proteksionismenya bisa mengancam kerja sama ekonomi internasional yang melibatkan Amerika Serikat. AS akan melihat bahwa citra “polisi dunia”-nya bisa berkurang, tapi ini tidak akan otomatis membuat dunia lebih aman. Di bawah kepemimpinan Trump, kebijakan luar negeri Amerika akan menghadapi banyak masalah dan tantangan yang tidak mudah untuk dipecahkan.
Between Revisionist and Status Quo: The Case of China’s Leadership in the AIIB Yuliantoro, Nur Rachmat; Dinarto, Dedi
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 7, No 2 (2019)
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.72131

Abstract

This article seeks to understand China’s foreign policy today by assessing its leadership in the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), using the scholarly term of ‘contested multilateralism’ coined by Julia Morse and Robert Keohane. We argue that since the beginning of the 21st century, China has managed to improve its image as a new global power through the transformation of its foreign policy. In expanding its political sphere, China is using not only peripheral diplomacy but also cross-regional diplomacy strategies through the existing bilateral and multilateral mechanisms. Within this context, we look at a specific case of the creation of the AIIB as evidence of China’s greater participation in the global political economy realm. The AIIB can be seen as how China practices multilateralism in its foreign policy as it is trying to meet domestic, regional, as well as global development and economic challenges. This article argues that the creation of AIIB is not only the implication of China’s fiscal and trade policy, nor merely to solve the regional infrastructure gap in Asia, but also to challenge the U.S. (and Japan) influence through the Asian Development Bank (ADB), in which China possesses minor political power to accommodate its political economic interests.
Pemilihan Presiden Tahun 2016 dan Politik Luar Negeri Amerika Serikat Nur Rachmat Yuliantoro; Atin Prabandari; Dafri Agussalim
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 5, No 2 (2017)
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.5297

Abstract

This study is trying to project some trends of U.S. foreign policy based on the results of presidential election in 2016. The United States had recently held presidential election on November 8, 2016. The victory of Republican candidate Donald Trump shocked the world that he defeated Democratic Hillary Clinton, who had excelled in some polls before the election. Various controversies raised by Trump did not prevent him from becoming the president-elect, as the global community soon became concerned with the possibility of the unstable international politics. After describing Clinton and Trump’s stand on foreign policy during their campaign, the study will present the results of the presidential election. Trump’s foreign policy is expected to show “the great American power,” but at the same time his favor of protectionism could threaten international economic cooperations involving the United States. The U.S. could see its image of “world police” reduced, but this would not automatically make the world safer. Under the leadership of Trump, American foreign policy will face many problems and challenges that are not easy to solve. Tulisan ini mencoba untuk memproyeksikan beberapa kecenderungan kebijakan luar negeri Amerika Serikat berdasarkan hasil pemilihan presiden tahun 2016. Amerika Serikat baru saja menyelenggarakan pemilihan presiden pada tanggal 8 November 2016. Kemenangan kandidat Partai Republik, Donald Trump, mengejutkan dunia. Ia mengalahkan kanditat partai Demokrat Hillary Clinton, yang unggul dalam beberapa jajak pendapat sebelum pemilu. Berbagai kontroversi yang disampaikan oleh Trump tidak mencegahnya memenangkan pemilihan, membuat masyarakat dunia segera menjadi khawatir dengan kemungkinan politik internasional yang kacau. Setelah menggambarkan posisi Clinton dan Trump pada isu luar negeri selama kampanye mereka, studi ini akan menyajikan hasil pemilihan presiden tahun 2016. Kebijakan luar negeri Trump diharapkan menunjukkan “kekuatan besar Amerika,” tetapi pada saat yang sama kecenderungan proteksionismenya bisa mengancam kerja sama ekonomi internasional yang melibatkan Amerika Serikat. AS akan melihat bahwa citra “polisi dunia”-nya bisa berkurang, tapi ini tidak akan otomatis membuat dunia lebih aman. Di bawah kepemimpinan Trump, kebijakan luar negeri Amerika akan menghadapi banyak masalah dan tantangan yang tidak mudah untuk dipecahkan.
Hegemoni Amerika Pasca 11/9: Menuju Sebuah 'Imperium Amerika Baru'? Nur Rachmat Yuliantoro
Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 9, No 1 (2005): JULI (Demokrasi: Problema dan Manfaatnya)
Publisher : Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (751.464 KB) | DOI: 10.22146/jsp.11041

Abstract

Post-9/11 American foreign policy has been viewed by many as, if anything, reactualising American grand strategy to form a 'new American Empire'. This is arguably the greatest ideal long imagined by some groups of 'flea-conservatives' that dominating Bush's foreign policy. These groups believe that the United States, supported by its military and economic supremacy, is the uncontested 'leader' of today's world. Their belief has of course been contested by those scholars who argue that building an 'empire' would only weaken – some even say 'destroy' – U.S. dominant position in international relatiohs. This essay tries to describe in brief both groups' arguments, while also stressing that the first choice of imperial hegemony is the worst not only for the U.S., but also for the international community.
Managing Differences and Building Trust: Challenges to U.S. – China Relations Nur Rachmat Yuliantoro
Global South Review Vol 1, No 2 (2014)
Publisher : Institute of International Studies

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/globalsouth.28832

Abstract

The relations between two great nations, the United States and China, have attracted the attention of many. Different in several aspects, both countries face a number of challenges and problems in their relationship, ranging from misperception, mutual distrust, and the potential for conflict in the South China Sea as well as East China Sea. The leaders of both countries have difficult task to drive the bilateral relations positively for mutual benefit. This article demonstrates that while to some extent their differences are difficult to settle, they need to be put aside to build mutual trust as a basic ground for cooperation. Unfortunately, it seems that their relations in the future has still characterized, among others, by the absence of the will to understand each other.
The Politics of Vaccine Diplomacy and Sino-Indonesian Relations Nur Rachmat Yuliantoro
Global Strategis Vol. 16 No. 1 (2022): Global Strategis
Publisher : Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Unair

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20473/jgs.16.1.2022.127-146

Abstract

Since the beginning of 2020, the COVID-19 pandemic has shattered many aspects of human life worldwide. Many believed China was theorigin of the coronavirus that sparked the pandemic. While dealing with the virus domestically, China has also pleaded to help many countries overcome the impact of the pandemic. Within this context, China runs the so-called vaccine diplomacy: providing Chinese-made vaccines to countries in need, including Indonesia. This article argues that although vaccine diplomacy can be seen as evidence of China’s soft power, it is also carried out to serve China’s national interests. Vaccine diplomacy to Indonesia is to demonstrate China’s goodwill and friendship. It is also to help Indonesia recover its economy with the support of Chinese investment and to promote its influence in the region within the context of great power rivalry with the United States. Sejak awal tahun 2020, pandemi COVID-19 telah menghancurkan banyak aspek kehidupan manusia di seluruh dunia. Banyak yangpercaya Cina adalah asal mula virus Corona yang memicu pandemi. Sembari menangani virus di dalam negeri, Cina juga telah membantubanyak negara mengatasi dampak pandemi tersebut. Sebagai kekuatan besar yang bertanggung jawab, China menjalankan apa yang disebut diplomasi vaksin: menyediakan vaksin buatan China ke negara-negara yang membutuhkan, termasuk Indonesia. Artikel ini berpendapat bahwa meskipun diplomasi vaksin dapat dilihat sebagai bukti soft power China, ia juga dilakukan untuk melayani kepentingan nasional China. Diplomasi vaksin ke Indonesia ditujukan untuk memperlihatkan itikad baik dan persahabatan Cina. Ia juga dimaksudkan untuk membantu Indonesia memperbaiki ekonominya dengan dukungan investasi Cina serta memajukan pengaruhnya di kawasan dalam konteks persaingan kekuatan besar dengan Amerika Serikat.
China's Global Security Initiative: Its Objectives and Implications for Southeast Asia Yuliantoro, Nur Rachmat
Global Strategis Vol. 18 No. 2 (2024): Global Strategis
Publisher : Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Airlangga

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20473/jgs.18.2.2024.285-306

Abstract

China has introduced several initiatives aimed at further strengthening its influence both regionally and globally. As a complement to the Belt and Road Initiative, the Chinese government also launched the trio of Global Development Initiative, Global Security Initiative, and Global Civilization Initiative. The Global Security Initiative (GSI) has received widespread attention regarding its meaning, strategy, objectives, and implications for China’s role in international security and peace. By looking at this issue from the current dynamics of global security, this study invites us to understand what the GSI is and the goals that China wants to achieve with it, especially in Southeast Asia. The implications of the GSI for the region’s economic development and stability are also highlighted. China intends the GSI to act as a “broker” for achieving world peace, with strategic consequences for the stability of the Southeast Asian region.Keywords: China; Global Security Initiative; Southeast Asia; regional stability; economic development.Dewasa ini Cina telah memperkenalkan beberapa inisiatif yang ditujukan untuk semakin memperkuat pengaruhnya baik secara regional maupun global. Sebagai pelengkap dari Belt and Road Initiative, pemerintah Cina juga meluncurkan trio Global Development Initiative, Global Security Initiative, dan Global Civilization Initiative. Global Security Initiative (GSI) mendapatkan perhatian yang luas terkait dengan makna, strategi, tujuan, dan implikasinya bagi peran Cina dalam keamanan dan perdamaian internasional. Dengan melihat isu ini dari dinamika keamanan global yang berlaku, studi ini mengajak kita untuk memahami apa sesungguhnya GSI serta tujuan yang hendak Cina capai dengannya, khususnya di Asia Tenggara. Implikasi dari GSI terhadap pembangunan ekonomi dan kestabilan kawasan ini juga disorot oleh studi ini. GSI dimaksudkan oleh Cina untuk berperan sebagai “perantara” bagi upaya mencapai perdamaian dunia, dengan konsekuensi-konsekuensi strategis bagi kestabilan kawasan Asia Tenggara.Kata-kata Kunci: Cina; Global Security Initiative; Asia Tenggara; stabilitas kawasan; pembangunan ekonomi.
China’s Role in International Conflict Mediation and Its Implications for International Relations Yuliantoro, Nur Rachmat
Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 8 No. 1 (2025)
Publisher : Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24076/nsjis.v8i1.2051

Abstract

This study examines China’s evolving role as a mediator in international conflicts, particularly its involvement in the Saudi-Iranian dispute and the Russia-Ukraine war. It underscores China’s evolution from a historically reclusive nation to a significant global actor, accentuating its “peaceful rise” policy. In doing so, the study employs a conceptual framework to analyze the evolution of China’s foreign policy. It examines China’s strategic deployment of soft power through cultural diplomacy, economic influence, and mediation initiatives. The study’s findings indicate that China’s mediation has contested traditional Western hegemony in conflict resolution by presenting an alternative approach centered on sovereignty and non-interference. Challenges persist regarding perceptions of bias, particularly in conflict such as the Russia-Ukraine war, where neutrality is scrutinized. Ultimately, this study underscores China’s increasing role as a mediator, capable of shaping global diplomatic norms while navigating complex geopolitical contexts.