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WIMAYA: Interdisciplinary Journal of International Affairs
Published by Universitas Pembangunan Nasional Veteran Jawa Timur
ISSN : -     EISSN : 27223760     DOI : https://doi.org/10.33005/wimaya.v1i02
Core Subject : Economy, Humanities, Education, Social,
Humanities Economics, Econometrics & Finance Languange, Linguistic, Communication & Media Law, Crime, Criminology & Criminal Justice Social Sciences
WIMAYA is an international scholarly journal devoted to international affairs. Published twice a year by the International Relations Department, Pembangunan Nasional Veteran East Java University, the journal aims to promote the importance of interdisciplinary approach to analyze various international issues. The journal welcomes empirical and theoretical research articles that seek to cut across disciplines in order to capture the complexity of a phenomenon. Regardless the topic or methodology, the primary focus must be international affairs. We particularly encourage research articles that tackles global-local dynamics. The editors also welcome discursive book reviews that contribute to the literature.
Arjuna Subject : Ilmu Sosial - Ilmu Politik dan Hubungan Internasional
Articles 156 Documents
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Comparative Analysis of the United States’ War on Drugs Policy in Mexico and Colombia: Failure and Success Factors Renitha Dwi Hapsari; Hendrina Nur Alifia Ramadhanti; Karenina Mutiara Putri
WIMAYA Vol 2 No 01 (2021)
Publisher : Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jawa Timur

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33005/wimaya.v2i01.49

Abstract

Drug smuggling activities in the United States carried out by drug cartels from Mexico and Colombia contribute to the region's instabilities. Many threats and terrorist acts that accompanied the distribution of illegal drugs left civilians in fear. The War on Drugs policy promoted by the United States, which aims to apprehend drug cartels, causes severe losses in the long run. Colombia is the only successful case. On the other hand, Mexico offers a different story despite both are countries with unstable political and weak law enforcement. The paper conducts a comparative study on Colombia and Mexico to evaluate the factors that contribute to the success and failure behind the implementation of the War on Drugs policy. The paper concludes that an aggressive approach (i.e., military) is less efficient in combatting drug smuggling activities than the developmental approach (i.e., socio-economic development).
Indonesia Parliamentary Diplomacy: The Leadership of House Representatives Republic of Indonesia in ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Assembly (AIPA) 2011-2012 Muhammad Jullyo Bagus Firdaus; Megahnanda Alidyan Kresnawati
WIMAYA Vol 2 No 02 (2021)
Publisher : Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jawa Timur

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33005/wimaya.v2i02.50

Abstract

This paper discusses the implementation of Indonesian parliamentary diplomacy when Indonesia became the leader of the ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Assembly (AIPA) (2011-2012). In the same period, Indonesia also assumed the chairmanship of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). Developed from the concept of multi-track diplomacy and total diplomacy, the authors highlight how the House of Representatives of Republic Indonesia (DPR-RI) plays a role in a track 1½ diplomacy. The authors argue that DPR-RI's active participation is essential to oversee national compliance on international legal norms and rules through the case of AIPA.
Shifting the US-Myanmar Relations under Trump Administration and its Geopolitical Implication Thu Htet
WIMAYA Vol 2 No 02 (2021)
Publisher : Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jawa Timur

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33005/wimaya.v2i02.51

Abstract

This paper aims to analyze the shifts in the US-Myanmar relations during Trump administration compared to that of Obama administration, what factors affect such shifts, and how they posit important geopolitical implication. Under Trump administration, the US-Myanmar relations largely revolved around the Rohingya crisis, which shaped the relations between the two nations ‘substantially uncomfortable’. The factors affecting the changing relationship are the temporal dimension of Rohingya crisis, civil-military relations under NLD government, as well as Trump’s ‘American First’ foreign policy, which contributed to the declining of strategic engagement towards Indo-Pacific region where Myanmar is located. This caused an important geopolitical implication: the growing Chinese influence in Myanmar.
Japan’s Balancing Act: Assessing Japan’s Foreign Policy towards Myanmar in the Emerging Indo-Pacific Era Thaingi Khin Htwe
WIMAYA Vol 2 No 02 (2021)
Publisher : Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jawa Timur

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33005/wimaya.v2i02.52

Abstract

Prime Minister Abe officially introduced the FOIP in 2016 at the TICAD VI in Kenya aiming to preserve the RBO against increasing challenges to the vital interests of Japan. Because of Myanmar's geostrategic location, democratization, and rich natural resources, Myanmar became an important country in fostering Japan's FOIP. In this context, this paper aims to examine Japan’s foreign policy towards Myanmar in the emerging Indo-Pacific era. This paper is mainly focused on Japan’s balancing strategy in Indo-Pacific, the significance of Myanmar in Japan’s FOIP, and the foreign policy tools of Japan in Myanmar. The paper finds that Japan rapproach Myanmar by using significant 3Ds (diplomatic engagement, defense cooperation, and development assistance) in the emerging Indo-Pacific era. Japan’s foreign policy readjustment towards Myanmar in the emerging Indo-Pacific era can be interpreted as one of Japan’s limited hard balancing strategies against China.
Crisis Foreign Policy Making in Venezuela: The Case of Nicolás Maduro’s Left-Wing Militaristic Cabinet in Venezuela’s Blockade Policy towards Brazilian Aids Demas Nauvarian
WIMAYA Vol 2 No 02 (2021)
Publisher : Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jawa Timur

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33005/wimaya.v2i02.57

Abstract

Venezuela has experienced a turmoil of economic crisis since 2014 under the administration of President Nicolás Maduro. This crisis has been spilling towards social and political issues, with one being the emergence of opposition group led by Juan Guaidó. This crisis, at first, has invited sympathy from various international actors, both states and non-states, one of them being Brazil. However, in February 2019, President Maduro decided to fully-blockade Venezuela-Brazil borders for any human or goods movement. This paper aims to analyze the presence of President Maduro’s cabinet towards Brazil borders blockade in Venezuelan Crisis in 2019. This paper utilizes qualitative social science methodology by analyzing primary and secondary data. By using the groupthink paradigm in foreign policy analysis, this paper argues that there is a position convergence between the members of the cabinet with the background of: (1) the dominance of nationalist military group loyal to President Maduro; (2) the same ideology of left-wing political spectrum. This paper also argues that beside the two internal factors above, the external factors of regional and global tension towards Venezuela also create an isolation as an element of stress towards this government. This paper concludes that the combination of the three factors above become the main factors that formulated the blockade policy.
Prince Boun Oum and the March 24, 1945 Treaty: A Possibility of Independent Champassak Following World War II Preeyaporn Kantala
WIMAYA Vol 2 No 02 (2021)
Publisher : Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jawa Timur

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33005/wimaya.v2i02.58

Abstract

This article is part of the author’s ongoing study of Champassak and the formation of the new Lao state, with the aim of understanding Champassak’s dubious standing within Lao state, Siam, French Indochina, and even its self-image. In terms of historical methodology, the author discusses the treaty reached between Prince Boun Oum and Charles de Gaulle’s provisional government on March 24, 1945, which promised independence and membership in the French Union after WWII. Although Prince Boun Oum’s ambitious goal of independence for Champassak failed, this situation could be viewed as another form of the Lao state that was overlooked after Lao independence. Finally, the Champassak case is relevant to the debate about the current existence of a nation-state in this region and ethnic nationalism.
The South China Sea: The Struggle for Power in Asia by Bill Hayton Muhammad Dedy Yanuar
WIMAYA Vol 2 No 02 (2021)
Publisher : Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jawa Timur

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33005/wimaya.v2i02.61

Abstract

Between the Homeland and the Diaspora: The Politics of Theorizing Filipino and Filipino American Identities by S. Lily Mendoza Deborrah Sadile Anastacio
WIMAYA Vol 2 No 02 (2021)
Publisher : Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jawa Timur

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33005/wimaya.v2i02.62

Abstract

Chinese Students in Thai Higher Education Institutions and the Transformation of Graduate Migrant: Characteristics, Practices, and Transitional Migration Sivarin Lertpusit
WIMAYA Vol 3 No 01 (2022)
Publisher : Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jawa Timur

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33005/wimaya.v3i01.63

Abstract

This research article entitled "Chinese students in Thai higher education institutions and the transformation of graduate migrant: Characteristics, practices, and transitional migration" aims to clarify two objectives. Firstly, to analyze the determinants that motivate Chinese students to enroll in Thai higher education institutions and, secondly, to examine the particular characteristics and patterns of status involved in transitioning from student to graduate labor. Mixed research methods from in-depth interviews and questionnaires are employed in gathering and analyzing the finding. Criticizing Human capital theory, Chinese students in Thailand intend to invest in the Thai language to escalate their socioeconomic status. However, the popularity of the Thai language over the Vietnamese and Myanmese languages, which share a higher trading volume with Yunnan and Guangxi, represents the significance of Thai soft power through social media and healthier cultural linkage. Lastly, the length of stay among transforming Chinese workers depends on individual contentment. Applying social field theory, their economic capital mainly motivates short-term migrants. However, the pursuit of social and cultural contentment is the principal motivating factor attracting graduate migrants to reside long-term in Thailand.
State’s Repression toward INGO: the Dismissal of Médecins Sans Frontieres from Ethiopia Kholifatus Saadah; Aqbil Faza Dyarsa
WIMAYA Vol 3 No 01 (2022)
Publisher : Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jawa Timur

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33005/wimaya.v3i01.65

Abstract

The primary purpose of humanitarian-based INGOs is to provide and distribute assistance to those who could not get it. One of the INGOs engaged in this field and is quite successful in the international constellation is Medecins Sans Frontieres, often called Doctors without Borders. Humanitarian INGOs generally have a noble mission and have no mission to engage in the host country's political dynamics. However, the noble mission became a boomerang when MSF became one of the INGOs who worked to save the famine in Ethiopia. MSF has a noble mission, but the Ethiopian government has another mission that aggravates the condition of hunger in Ethiopia. As INGOs sought to be neutral, MSF decided to remain silent and take no steps relating to the political constellation of one of the world's poorest countries. Things got worse when MSF realized that one of their programs was being misused by the government to blackmail the guerrilla groups in the north. MSF could no longer remain silent and objected to any Ethiopian government policy related to them, resulting in the dismissal of all MSF members from Ethiopia at the end of 1986. This paper will explain the weak position of NGOs toward state, the main reason of the dismissal. The authors will be using the qualitative method by explaining the history about MSF and NGOs in the perspective of state which resulted the justification of the weak position of NGOs itself.

Page 3 of 16 | Total Record : 156

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