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Global South Review
Published by Universitas Gadjah Mada
ISSN : 26857782     EISSN : 26857790     DOI : https://doi.org/10.22146/globalsouth.50258
Core Subject : Humanities, Education, Social,
Humanities Environmental Science Social Sciences Other
Global South Review is a social and political journal that aimed to provide academic and policy platform to exchange views, research findings, and dialogues within the Global South and between the Global North and the Global South. Global South Review examines all the issues encountered by Global South in the context of current international justice, security, and order. The journal focuses, but not exclusively, on the role of Global South in global politics; the rise, demise, and possible revival of South-South internationalism and Bandung Spirit; and the dynamics of relations between Global South and Global North. Authors may submit research articles and book reviews in related subjects.
Arjuna Subject : Ilmu Sosial - Ilmu Politik dan Hubungan Internasional
Articles 132 Documents
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An IR for the Global South or a Global IR? (Guest Editorial) Amitav Acharya
Global South Review Vol 2, No 2 (2015)
Publisher : Institute of International Studies

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/globalsouth.28874

Abstract

The field of international relations (IR) is witnessing growing efforts to challenge Western centrism and give more space and voice to the Global South. These efforts are happening under a variety of labels, such as, but not limited to, non-Western IR, post-Western IR, Global IR, etc.To be sure, attempts to “bring the Global South in” by highlighting and generalizing from its contexts and challenges are not new. One could think of several examples, with Dependency theory and, somewhat later, Postcolonialism being two of the most prominent approaches. But recent efforts have been broader and targeted the entire discipline of IR, especially its major theories and concepts. And they have brought in a wider range of theoretical perspectives than Marxism and Postcolonialism, including Constructivism (Acharya), English School (Buzan) and even some realists (e.g. Mohammed Ayoob’s Subaltern Realism”).But labels overlap and can be confusing. Does post-Western subsume or exclude pre-Western or premodern, or pre-Westphalian histories and institutions? Are the distinctions between West and non-West meaningful? (They are increasingly blurred, but alas, the major IR theories are yet to reflect this)  What is the difference between “non-Western” and “post-Western”?
Authors Profile Sukmawani Bela Pertiwi
Global South Review Vol 2, No 2 (2015)
Publisher : Institute of International Studies

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/globalsouth.28876

Abstract

Authors Profile of IJIS
Front Matter IJIS Sukmawani Bela Pertiwi
Global South Review Vol 2, No 2 (2015)
Publisher : Institute of International Studies

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/globalsouth.28877

Abstract

Front Matter of IJIS
Back Matter IJIS Sukmawani Bela Pertiwi
Global South Review Vol 2, No 2 (2015)
Publisher : Institute of International Studies

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/globalsouth.28878

Abstract

Back Matter of IJIS
WTO’S Trade Policy Review Mechanism (TPRM) and Indonesia’s Compliance in Agriculture Sector Dewangga Dura Dematar
Global South Review Vol 1, No 1 (2019): Global South Review
Publisher : Institute of International Studies

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/globalsouth.32794

Abstract

This article is designed to appraise TPRM as a monitoring instrument in WTO and understand how it affects Indonesia’s compliance in the agriculture sector. On paper, TPRM should be exercised as a surveillance system to boost transparency and compliance. However, the author doubts the current periodic, differentiated by economic power, and the self-serving reporting system of the TPRM. As this process is complicated and flexible, where often used as a diplomatic visit or excuses to initiate diplomatic relations between turbulent nations, the writer believes that TPRM is only the tip of the iceberg with unlimited complex problems underneath. Adapting instruments from International Law and Rational Choice Theory, the writer borrowed Guzman’s framework to determine how TPRM could affect Indonesia’s compliance in the agriculture sector. This article will give a better understanding of the monitoring process of an international institution, especially the one with no law enforcement system and  held fundamentally by mutual respect and good faith.
Changing Water Regime: Remunicipalization in Indonesia under the Global Hegemony of Privatization Marwa Marwa
Global South Review Vol 1, No 1 (2019): Global South Review
Publisher : Institute of International Studies

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/globalsouth.33131

Abstract

The research analyzes the emergence of water remunicipalization as counterhegmonic movement under the global hegemony of water privatization in Jakarta, Indonesia. In doing so, the author applies Gramsci’s theoretical framework of “Battle for Hegemony”, in understanding the dialectical relationship between the hegemony of privatization and remunicipalization as its opposing idea within the context of Indonesia’s water regime. Additionally, the author also uses the concept of “militant particularism” of Raymond Williams to explore the organization of remunicipalization as a counterhegemonic bloc. The opposing idea was materialized into  diverse and particular struggles against privatization who connect themselves into one counterhegemonic bloc with a universal feature. Local struggles in Jakarta connected themselves under an anti-privatization movement or well known as the Koalisi Masyarakat Melawan Swastanisasi Air Jakarta (KMMSAJ). Later, KMMSAJ linked itself with a global struggle against water privatization with a counterhegemonic idea of remunicipalization. Nevertheless, the universality of remunicipalization does not necessarily eliminate the particularities of each struggle, as the dissemination of the idea and practice is appropriated to Indonesia’s political-economic context. By analyzing the organization of remuncipalization, this article intends to move the tedious discussion of water privatization that has been centralized to moral or legal human rights claims to a more productive discussion that explores an alternative idea.
The Politicization of Women’s Rights in Malaysia: The Drive Behind the Impasse of Fatwa Obligating Female Circumcision Nabilah Nur Abiyanti
Global South Review Vol 1, No 1 (2019): Global South Review
Publisher : Institute of International Studies

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/globalsouth.33284

Abstract

Under the new premiership of Najib Razak in 2009, a fatwa obligating female circumcision for all Muslim women in Malaysia was issued. It was issued following the 2008 “Political Tsunami” despite the heightened promotion of global zero tolerance towards the practice. The dilemma between adhering to Malaysia’s obligation under CEDAW and CRC and the need to regain control amidst domestic political upheaval has led the fatwa to be left on impasse, until date. Thus, this article aims to find the reason behind the Malaysian government’s decision to leave the fatwa on the impasse focusing on two stages of public policy analysis. The analysis of cost and benefit in the policy formulation stage has resulted in equal cost and benefit to each policy option –to accept or reject the fatwa. The result of the equal cost and benefit analysis is also due to the variety of actors in the decision-making process with different positions, interests and bargaining positions. From using a rational model of the decision-making process, the reason why the Malaysian government leaves the fatwa on impasse was driven by the Malaysian goal under Najib Razak, which required not only domestic stability but also vast international support.
From Aversion to Affinity: India's Standpoint in the Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights Negotiations Tania Delavita Malik
Global South Review Vol 1, No 1 (2019): Global South Review
Publisher : Institute of International Studies

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/globalsouth.33578

Abstract

When the issue of protecting IPRs was brought to the GATT in 1986, India claimed it as unnecessary given the costly administrative affairs in domesticating the agreement and the difference in countries’ levels of development. However, the standpoint of India altered significantly in the Doha Round. India did not only agree to adopt the TRIPS Agreement but also proposed the protection of broader aspects of IPRs, to also include GRTKF. The adoption of these significantly different viewpoints poses the puzzle that this article seeks to explain. In doing so, this article uses two-level game theory by Robert D. Putnam to analyze both domestic and international pressures that simultaneously pushed India to alter its position on IPR protection at WTO. It analyses the actions taken by governmental actors, NGOs, and business groups at both domestic and international levels. The findings demonstrate that India adopted different standpoints because of domestic demands, precisely those of the pharmaceutical companies and pro-indigenous-people NGOs, while different set of actors, especially developing countries, at international level also supported it. The supports from these actors exceeded the pressures from big pharmaceutical companies from developed countries and the developed countries themselves. By arguing this, this article thus suggests that India, as a developing country, has been able to advocate the demand of domestic interests in the face of massive international pressures.
The Transnational Role of Foreign Companies in the Upstream Sector of Oil and Gas in Indonesia: pre-Gross Split Mechanism Yulida Nuraini Santoso
Global South Review Vol 1, No 1 (2019): Global South Review
Publisher : Institute of International Studies

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/globalsouth.34484

Abstract

This article aims to explain how and why foreign oil and gas companies carry influence over the government in the upstream oil and gas sector. It looks at the troubling issue of domination in Indonesia particularly before the Gross Split mechanism was introduced. From a transnational point of view, states and non-states continuously attempt to overpower the other to gain the most from this industry. Although the roles and obligations of foreign oil and gas companies are strictly regulated, domination is still visible in areas of cost recovery to add to the weak domestic market resulting in an asymmetric competition. Market failures have become increasingly alarming as liftings continue to fail to reach the national quota. Using the introduction of the Gross Split mechanism as a turning point, this article looks back at how transnationalism has translated into this sector. This article is of the view that the lack of effort to enrich knowledge bases, enforce the adoption of appropriate technology and prepare its domestic market for healthy competition, has brought it further away from addressing its underlying issues.
Reviewed Work: Globalization and the Race to the Bottom in Developing Countries: Who Really Gets Hurt? by Nita Rudra (2008) Muhammad Indrawan Jatmika
Global South Review Vol 1, No 1 (2019): Global South Review
Publisher : Institute of International Studies

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/globalsouth.49279

Abstract

Nita Rudra’s analysis in her book entitled Globalization and the Race to the Bottom in the Developing Countries challenges the argument of most globalization sceptics who argue that the bottom poor are the particular group who suffer the most from the globalization phenomenon.  Rudra’s main argument is that the domestic institutions will be the intermediate between global pressure and domestic social policy. As the aftermath, it is not the bottom poor of the citizens who hurts the most from the impact of the RTBs. It is precisely the middle class that hurts the most, because basically various kinds of policies such as government’s welfare distribution are controlled and determined by certain domestic institutions, whose access is controlled by the middle class and certain political groups, have been more oriented towards the interests of the middle class rather than than the interests of the bottom poor itself.

Page 5 of 14 | Total Record : 132

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