Articles
<![CDATA[Civil Society’s Role in Indonesia’s Humanitarian Diplomacy: Study of Indonesian Religious Organizations' Humanitarian Aid in the Crisis in Myanmar's Rakhine State Region (2012- 2018) ]]>
<![CDATA[Jatmika, Muhammad Indrawan]]>;
<![CDATA[Anggraheni, Palupi]]>
<![CDATA[ Politea Vol 4, No 2 (2021): Politea : Jurnal Pemikiran Politik Islam ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[IAIN Kudus ]]>
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DOI: 10.21043/politea.v4i2.12792
<![CDATA[Civil Society is considered as the third space outside the state and market where people can express their opinions and make certain contributions to create a condition in accordance with the certain values they profess. As the time progresses, with the development of information and globalization, the demand for bigger civic space is undeniable and the need for society to be able to contribute to an issue that occurs outside the border of their country is arising. This encourages the role of civil society to contribute to humanitarian diplomacy efforts where the role of the community and non-state actors is needed in solving transnational problems. This issue is exemplified by the role of various religious organizations in Indonesia through their contribution in helping to solve humanitarian problems in Rakhine State, of Myanmar between 2012 to 2018. Through a humanitarian diplomacy approach, these various religious organizations collaborated with the Indonesian government to send various types of assistance. This paper will explain why the role of religious organizations in Indonesia as the representation of civil society is significant in the humanitarian diplomacy effort of the Rakhine State Crisis. This paper will also provide a descriptive narrative related to how these contributions are channelled and delivered to the conflict-affected communities in Myanmar.]]>
<![CDATA[Reviewed Work: Globalization and the Race to the Bottom in Developing Countries: Who Really Gets Hurt? by Nita Rudra (2008) ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad Indrawan Jatmika]]>
<![CDATA[ Global South Review Vol 1, No 1 (2019): Global South Review ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Institute of International Studies ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/globalsouth.49279
<![CDATA[Nita Rudra’s analysis in her book entitled Globalization and the Race to the Bottom in the Developing Countries challenges the argument of most globalization sceptics who argue that the bottom poor are the particular group who suffer the most from the globalization phenomenon. Rudra’s main argument is that the domestic institutions will be the intermediate between global pressure and domestic social policy. As the aftermath, it is not the bottom poor of the citizens who hurts the most from the impact of the RTBs. It is precisely the middle class that hurts the most, because basically various kinds of policies such as government’s welfare distribution are controlled and determined by certain domestic institutions, whose access is controlled by the middle class and certain political groups, have been more oriented towards the interests of the middle class rather than than the interests of the bottom poor itself.]]>
<![CDATA[Rethinking the Emergence and the Practice of Three Praetorian States in Southeast Asia: A Comparative Study between Indonesia, Myanmar and Thailand ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad Indrawan Jatmika]]>
<![CDATA[ Global South Review Vol 2, No 1 (2020): Global South Review ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Institute of International Studies ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/globalsouth.50258
<![CDATA[Military forces have had many important roles in political life in Southeast Asia where the military has a full power or major role and influence in the domestic politics. These forms of military intervention in domestic politics are called praetorianism, which is characterized by the military being more inclined to take care of domestic political affairs rather than carrying out its professional duties as guardians of sovereignty from external threats. We can find this practice from seeing the New Order regime in Indonesia to the Military Junta of Myanmar and Thailand. This paper aims to analyze what factors are the background of the widespread practice of praetorianism and how the practice can last for a certain period of time, even still to this day in Southeast Asia. The main argument is the weak political institutions and the low political culture of developing country are the main causes of various intervention efforts made by the armed forces in the domestic political realm of a country.]]>
<![CDATA[Why Aceh-Indonesia Conflict Resolution can’t be Copy-Paste in Bangsamoro-Philippines Issue? ]]>
<![CDATA[Sidik Jatmika]]>;
<![CDATA[Nanang Sumanang]]>;
<![CDATA[Ajeng Puspa Marlinda]]>;
<![CDATA[Chalilla Raihan Nabilazka]]>;
<![CDATA[Muhammad Indrawan Jatmika]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 11, No 1 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jhi.v11i1.12066
<![CDATA[This article focuses on conflict resolution in Aceh, Indonesia, and Bangsamoro, Phillipines, as a comparative study. The two different regions have at least two similar characteristics: both are recognised by central government as widely autonomous provinces compared to other provinces, and both have same problems with revolutionary groups that attempt to withdraw from central government. This qualitative research aims to examine conflict resolution process and result in both local governments. The main objective is to identify similarities rational choice (survival, security, economy/welfare, prestige, and influence) especially how political elites would still feel enjoy to conduct those agreements in both regions. The findings confirm that both GAM (Aceh) and MILF (Bangsamoro) have similar political preference sequence, but such of MNLF factions still continues their military movements. It is argued that Aceh-Indonesia conflict resolution could not automatically be applied in the Bangsamoro-Philippines issue. ]]>
<![CDATA[Pengembangan Wisata Tangguh Bencana Melalui Pelatihan Mitigasi Bencana Sampah di Kawasan Candi Cetho, Jawa Tengah ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad Zahrul Anam]]>;
<![CDATA[Sidik Jatmika]]>;
<![CDATA[Miftahulhaq Miftahulhaq]]>;
<![CDATA[Muhammad Indrawan Jatmika]]>
<![CDATA[ Prosiding Seminar Nasional Program Pengabdian Masyarakat 2022: 7. Sarana dan Prasarana Publik dan Mitigasi Bencana ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/ppm.57.1149
<![CDATA[Kegiatan pengabdian masyarakat ini bertujuan untuk mengembangkan wisata tangguh bencana di kawasan Candi Cetho, Jawa Tengah. Candi Cetho sebagai situs peninggalan sejarah Hindu yang terletak di dataran tinggi berpotensi menjadi prioritas destinasi wisata di Karanganyar. Selain keuntungan ekonomis, kehadiran wisatawan juga meningkatkan produksi sampah. Apabila sampah tidak terkelola, sampah akan berdampak negatif bagi masyarakat yang tinggal di sekitar Candi Cetho. Pengabdian ini diarahkan untuk melakukan mitigasi terhadap ancaman sampah berbasis komunitas. Pendekatan yang digunakan dalam pelaksanaan kegiatan ini adalah kolaboratif dengan membangun kolaborasi antara pengunjung dan pengelola wisata dalam pengurangan risiko bencana]]>
<![CDATA[Constructivist Approach Analysis on the Boycott of the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympic ]]>
<![CDATA[Kurnia Rafif Shanika]]>;
<![CDATA[Muhammad Indrawan Jatmika]]>
<![CDATA[ WIMAYA Vol 3 No 02 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jawa Timur ]]>
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DOI: 10.33005/wimaya.v3i02.74
<![CDATA[The 2022 Winter Olympics in Beijing have drawn a lot of attention since a number of important nations have put a diplomatic boycott on the event. The United States, Britain, and Canada were among the nations that enacted a diplomatic embargo. Using a constructivism theory approach, this research will attempt to give an analytical study of the occurrence of this boycott. Instead of adopting traditional approaches like liberalism and realism, the author believes that this approach offers a fresh viewpoint on this phenomenon. From a constructivist perspective, the nation that imposed a diplomatic boycott on the Beijing 2022 Olympics was regarded as having constructive elements that encourage such behavior. Every nation has its own factors that will shift the way that nations make decisions. The main argument of this paper is that there are three main factors that construct the boycott behavior of these countries. The first is the construction of friend vs foe between the boycotting countries and China as the host country. Boycott countries that share ideological similarities construct a point of view that China is an enemy to them because of their differences. The second argument is the existence of China's construction as a country that perpetrates human rights violations. This prompted the boycotting countries to protest with the boycott. The third argument is the existence of bilateral problems between countries. Some countries, such as Canada, have bilateral problems with China, which then encourage the construction of boycott behavior that occurs.]]>
<![CDATA[DIPLOMASI KESEHATAN INDONESIA DALAM MENANGANI COVID-19 ]]>
<![CDATA[Sidik Jatmika]]>;
<![CDATA[Oktavian Rahman Koko]]>;
<![CDATA[Eny Iskawati]]>;
<![CDATA[Muhammad Indrawan Jatmika]]>;
<![CDATA[Azka Azzahra Salsabila]]>
<![CDATA[ Sriwijaya Journal of International Relations Vol 2 No 1 (2022): Sriwijaya Journal of International Relations ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Jurusan Ilmu Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Sriwijaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.47753/sjir.v2i1.32
<![CDATA[Pada awal 2020, dunia sedang terguncang oleh Pandemi COVID-19.Pemerintah Indonesia menyampaikan rencana perubahan status pandemi kesehatan nasional menjadi endemik pada awal 2022. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menggambarkan bagaimana Indonesia melakukan Diplomasi Kesehatan Global dalam menangani Krisis COVID-19 (2020-2021). Ini adalah penelitian kualitatif dengan pendekatan konstruktivisme, yang menggunakan metode analisis konten untuk mengetahui pernyataan, kebijakan, dan tindakan Pemerintah Indonesia untuk menangani Krisis COVID-19.Penelitian ini menerapkan konsep Good Governance dan Global Health of Diplomacy. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa Indonesia menghadapi masalah seperti itu pada awal tahun pandemi, tetapi melakukan kemajuan tersebut di tahun kedua.Diplomasi Kesehatan Global telah berkontribusi terhadap penerimaan global pemerintah Indonesia yang tertarik pada masalah krisis kesehatan. Studi ini akan memandu topik lain yang relevan untuk membahas perilaku diplomasi bencana (kesehatan) Indonesia. Dengan menggunakan analisis konten, penelitian ini menemukan pemerintah Indonesia telah mengembangkan cara yang cerdas, sistematis, obyektif, dan visioner untuk menyelesaikan krisis kesehatan pandemi. Ini menunjukkan bagaimana sebuah negara yang mengalami Diplomasi Kesehatan dapat menjadi negara yang mapan yang menangani dampak Krisis Kesehatan Global.]]>
<![CDATA[Indonesia-Malaysia Collaborative Policy to Address the Issue of Education for Indonesian Migrant Worker Family in Sabah Malaysia ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad Indrawan Jatmika]]>
<![CDATA[ Nusantara Science and Technology Proceedings International Relations on Indonesian Foreign Policy Conference 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Future Science ]]>
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DOI: 10.11594/nstp.2023.3404
<![CDATA[This paper focuses on the challenges faced by Indonesian migrant workers and their families in Sabah, Malaysia, particularly with regard to education. Due lack of access to educational resources, many Indonesian children are unable to access quality education in Sabah. The paper proposes a collaborative policy between the Indonesian and Malaysian governments to address this issue in the form of providing educational facilities in the form of Indonesian Sabah schools which operate not only in the city center but in several places that were initially difficult for the children of migrant workers to reach. The proposed policy aims to improve the education outcomes of Indonesian migrant worker families in Sabah. The paper argues that a collaborative approach between the two governments is necessary to address this issue, as it requires coordinated efforts to overcome the various challenges faced by Indonesian migrant worker families. Overall, the paper highlights the importance of addressing the issue of education for Indonesian migrant worker families in Sabah and proposes a collaborative policy as a way forward. By improving the education outcomes of these families, the policy aims to promote their social and economic integration and enhance their overall well-being.]]>
<![CDATA[The Role of ASEAN and Korean Youth for Future-Oriented Partnership: Sustainable Innovation on Making “Food Waste Bite-Size Snacks” ]]>
<![CDATA[Salsa Febiola Gading Widjaya]]>;
<![CDATA[Afissa Hanani Oktavia]]>;
<![CDATA[Muhammad Indrawan Jatmika]]>
<![CDATA[ Nusantara Science and Technology Proceedings International Relations on Indonesian Foreign Policy Conference 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Future Science ]]>
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DOI: 10.11594/nstp.2023.3410
<![CDATA[Food waste is often considered garbage without further processing. This way of thinking eventually leads to waste in the form of food waste that accumulates. The existence of this issue requires contributions from various parties, including state or non-state actors, including the role of youth as future state leaders. Through gastro-diplomacy, the participation of state and non-state actors in overcoming this issue will result in significant solutions. One solution that could be done by the contribution of the state and youth is to reuse leftover food into food or snacks that have a high-selling value. If this initiative can be carried out massively in ASEAN countries and Korea, the accumulation of waste or the percentage of food waste will drastically decrease. In addition, food from leftovers can be traded and will improve people's living standards. Food from leftovers can be used as a diplomatic tool between ASEAN countries and Korea in overcoming the issue of food waste. In this paper, it will be ex- plained further regarding how the role or contribution of the state and youth community can go hand in hand and can achieve the same goal, namely reducing food waste and turning it into ready to sell snacks.]]>
<![CDATA[Public Service Through the provision of Tourist Route Instructions in the Integrated Ampel Tourism Area of Surabaya City ]]>
<![CDATA[Dandi Darmadi]]>;
<![CDATA[Muhammad Indrawan Jatmika]]>;
<![CDATA[Anggie Parawitha Lucca]]>
<![CDATA[ Nusantara Science and Technology Proceedings 7st International Seminar of Research Month 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Future Science ]]>
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DOI: 10.11594/nstp.2023.3399
<![CDATA[The Ampel Tourism Area is one of the leading tourist destinations for the Government and the City of Surabaya. As a religious and historical destination, the Ampel Tourism Area has characteristics and uniqueness that have become an attraction and a challenge in the development and management of both government and community officials. This uniqueness is characterized by the diversity of policy makers' backgrounds and geographical challenges as a cultural heritage with small alleys and narrow alleys as characteristic of tourism object backgrounds. For this reason, in developing tourism areas, it is necessary to develop and make integrated public policies to encourage the development of tourism objects that are beneficial for the progress of the community. The purpose of this community service is to encourage integration in tourism management in the Ampel Tourism Area through the assistance of integrated public service governance with collaborative governance strategies in the tourism sector and the provision of tourism-supporting facilities in the form of road signs. Collaborative Governance encourages policy stakeholders to reach a consensus on tourism decision-making facilitated by non-governmental actors in a formal, consensus-oriented, and consultative collective policy-making process to make or implement public policies and manage programs or assets. Public. This policy will be implemented by providing and installing road signs around the Ampel Area. The provision and installation of road signs are considered essential to overcome the problems of historical and religious tourism objects with unique characteristics while simultaneously encouraging the integration of Ampel areas with interactions between tourists, local communities, small business actors, and policymakers.]]>
