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<![CDATA[Analisis Patriarki, Partisipasi Politik, dan Kewarganegaraan Aktif di ASEAN ]]>
<![CDATA[Anak Agung Mia Intentilia]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 5 No 1 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v5n1.2
<![CDATA[By analyzing to what extent does patriarchy hinders women's political participation, this paper discusses the relation of patriarchy and active citizenship for women in ASEAN member states. For the purpose of analysis, this paper uses the theory of patriarchy and the theory of active citizenship related to politics, gender, and citizenship aspects by using qualitative method and literature analysis. This paper finds that patriarchal culture has a significant impact in hindering women's political participation because it has been institutionalized through: (i) political party practices; (ii) tradition, religion, and customary laws; and (iii) gender segregation in the society. Since the political participation is limited, therefore, the “exclusion†of women in the society within ASEAN member states remains. They belong to the marginalized group and are unable to access equal power and resources to act their active citizenship.]]>
<![CDATA[Peran Negara dalam Ekspansi PT Wijaya Karya Tbk ke Afrika: Tinjauan Kapitalisme Negara ]]>
<![CDATA[Anggi Mariatulkubtia Lubis]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 5 No 1 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v5n1.7
<![CDATA[Selama beberapa tahun ke belakang, PT Wijaya Karya Tbk. (WIKA) menjadi salah satu badan usaha milik negara (BUMN) yang aktif berekspansi ke mancanegara, utamanya ke pasar Afrika. Ekspansi ini dilakukan di tengah tingginya kebutuhan pembangunan infrastruktur domestik. Di saat bersamaan, studi mengenai intervensi negara dalam perekonomian global tengah mendapat perhatian bagi peneliti kajian ekonomi politik internasional. Terkait hal ini, tulisan ini mengkaji peran pemerintah dalam ekspansi WIKA ke Afrika dengan sudut pandang state capitalism. Dengan menelisik peran Rezim Presiden Joko Widodo lewat (1) perencanaan tersentral; (2) diplomasi ekonomi untuk membuka pasar; serta (3) bantuan permodalan, tulisan ini berargumen bahwa ekspansi WIKA tidaklah semata-mata dilakukan dalam upaya mencari keuntungan, namun juga dipengaruhi oleh faktor politik dan dorongan negara untuk memenuhi kepentingan nasional. WIKA menjadi ujung tombak bagi sektor konstruksi dan infrastruktur yang dianggap sebagai sektor unggulan bagi Rezim Presiden Widodo. Tulisan ini diharapkan dapat mengisi kekosongan penelitian ekonomi politik tentang ekspansi BUMN nasional ke luar negeri. Kata kunci: BUMN, ekspansi, peran negara, state capitalism, WIKA.]]>
<![CDATA[Globalisasi dan Pembangunan Infrastruktur Maritim Indonesia di Bidang Konektivitas dan Sistem Logistik (2014—2019) ]]>
<![CDATA[Fachri Pramuja]]>;
<![CDATA[Fredy Buhama Lumban Tobing]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 5 No 1 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v5n1.3
<![CDATA[Economic globalization is a critical point for the study of international political economy. This paper examines the big picture of economic globalization of the country's domestic policies which is in this case the development of maritime infrastructure in the era of President Joko Widodo (2014-2019). Using the concept of state capacity as a tool of analysis, this paper explores the new reasons for prioritizing the development of Indonesia's marine infrastructure which was massively carried out under Joko Widodo's administration. In this paper, economic globalization is seen through the ability of the state to provide basic facilities in maritime infrastructure development with the aim of building efficiency and innovation in creating a level of sustainable competitiveness for Indonesia's economic growth. The findings in this study explain that [1] the realization of maritime infrastructure development in Indonesia is still more in the planning phase so that it does not significantly reduce logistics costs between the western and eastern regions of Indonesia, [2] there are discrepancy in government rhetoric on achieving maritime infrastructure development with its implementation. Keywords: Economic Globalization, Maritime Infrastructure, Indonesia’s Development.]]>
<![CDATA[Efek Destinasi Pariwisata terhadap Jumlah Kunjungan Wisatawan Mancanegara ke Asia Pasifik ]]>
<![CDATA[Agita Arrasy Asthu]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 5 No 1 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v5n1.8
<![CDATA[Pariwisata menjadi sektor penggerak ekonomi dengan performansi baik, bahkan manfaatnya bisa dirasakan oleh semua kalangan. Banyak negara di Asia Pasifik menjadikan pariwisata sebagai prioriotas utama solusi perekonomian mereka, maka daya saing destinasi menjadi hal penting yang harus diperhatikan. Untuk melihat keberhasilan destinasi pariwisata, penulis menggunakan 13 indikator daya saing destinasi pariwisata dalam The Travel & Tourism Competitiveness Index (TTCI) yang dirilis setiap dua tahun sekali oleh World Economic Forum (WEF) sebagai variabel independen, dengan melihat pengaruhnya terhadap jumlah kunjungan wisatawan mancanegara (wisman) di Asia Pasifik sebagai variabel dependen. Penelitian ini menggunakan regresi linear berganda sebagai metode analisis. Hasilnya ditemukan bahwa sebesar 97.35% secara bersama-sama variabel independen memberikan pengaruh terhadap jumlah kunjungan wisman, dan secara individual terdapat empat variabel yang berpengaruh signifikan, yaitu (i) indikator SDM dan lapangan pekerjaan, (ii) kesiapan informasi teknologi, (iii) Sumber daya alam, dan (iv) infrastruktur darat dan laut. Pertumbuhan jumlah wisatawan mancanegara berbanding lurus dengan pengeluaran jumlah atau devisa pariwisata.]]>
<![CDATA[Diplomasi Ekonomi Indonesia di dalam Rezim Ekonomi G20 pada Masa Pemerintahan Joko Widodo ]]>
<![CDATA[Laode Muhamad Fathun, Laode Muhamad]]>;
<![CDATA[Wiwiek Rukmi Dwi Astuti]]>;
<![CDATA[Laode Muhamad Fathun]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 5 No 1 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v5n1.4
<![CDATA[This research answers how Indonesia's economic diplomacy strategy is in the G20 global economic forum. This research uses a qualitative approach, literature study and the concept of economic diplomacy to analyze the data. The results show that Indonesia's diplomacy strategy which is implemented through the national strategic plan in the G20 forum forms a pattern of economic diplomacy regarding trade, commerce and finance. The novelty of this research is to prove the character of Indonesia's economic diplomacy in the G20 forum as a country that is in an evolving cluster. External economic management and policies through coordination between ministries; trade promotion which is an integration of political and economic efforts; the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to actively promote investment, particularly through the ambassador and BKPM. The role and diplomacy of Indonesia's economy is a commitment to maintaining national, regional and international economic stability as a form of national and international interests.]]>
<![CDATA[Keruntuhan Rezim Evo Morales di Bolivia ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhaimin Zulhair Achsin]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 5 No 1 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v5n1.9
<![CDATA[This article presents a question “what are the influences of political factors on the fall of the Evo Morales’ regime in Bolivia?â€. This article aims to describe the influence of political factors on the fall of Morales' regime. This qualitative study uses the theory of regime survive and fall developed by Mainwaring and Linan. The findings are that there are three variables namely preferences, policies, and international politics that contributed to the fall of Evo Morales’ regime with the particular condition. Three premises that related to the political opposition offered by Mainwaring and Linan are also valid in this study, however political blunder has also likely contributed to the growing of political opposition.]]>
<![CDATA[Praktik Keamanan Manusia Soka Gakkai International di Indonesia, Filipina, Dan Singapura ketika Pandemi COVID-19 ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad Fikry Anshori]]>;
<![CDATA[Susy Ong]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 5 No 1 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v5n1.5
<![CDATA[Indonesia, Philippines, and Singapore have the largest number of confirmed COVID-19 cases in Southeast Asia. Soka Gakkai International is a Non-Governmental Organization of Nichiren Buddhists with 2 million members spread across 192 countries, including those three countries. They involved in global issues such as human rights and sustainable development. Then, how are the activities carried out by this organization to support human security in Indonesia, the Philippines, and Singapore during the COVID-19 pandemic? This article attempts to answer this question by using the concept of Non-Governmental Organization and human security. The results show various Soka Gakkai International activities in Indonesia, Philippines, and Singapore from March to July 2020 that support the efforts to protect people from the COVID-19 threat. Also, there is pro and contra among scholars regarding the human security practice of SGI during a pandemic. These can be lessons regarding human security practices amid pandemic.]]>
<![CDATA[Rasionalisasi Ekonomi Politik Lingkungan dalam EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement (EU-JEPA) ]]>
<![CDATA[Rafsyanjani Mohammad]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 5 No 1 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v5n1.6
<![CDATA[This research aims to explain the rationale behind the inclusion of “Paris Agreement clause†in the EU-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement (EU-JEPA) which has been in force since 2019. Especially this research will analyze various political economy factors from EU’s perspective which influence the inclusion of such clause. The author uses Environmental Political Economy “Institutionalist†perspective which argues that conflictual relationship between trade and environment issues can be resolved through institutionalism approach which emphasizes the existence of international agreements, regulations, and governances in bilateral, regional, and global levels. Furthermore, this article discovers that such political economy factors can be found from economy benefits potential offered by trade liberalization and EU’s participation in Paris Agreement global climate change governance. These two factors are closely interrelated and together determine EU’s rationale in the inclusion of Paris Agreement clause into this trade agreement with Japan.]]>
