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Contact Name
Muhammad Asadullah Al Ghozi
Contact Email
ma.alghozi@gmail.com
Phone
+6285272427654
Journal Mail Official
jurnalpolitik@ui.ac.id
Editorial Address
University of Indonesia, Gedung Tapi Omas Ihromi (B) Lantai 2 Kampus Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Pondok Cina, Kecamatan Beji, Kota Depok, Jawa Barat 16424
Location
Kota depok,
Jawa barat
INDONESIA
Jurnal Politik
Published by Universitas Indonesia
ISSN : 24607347     EISSN : 24610615     DOI : https://doi.org/10.7454/jp
Core Subject :
Jurnal Politik is a nationally accredited journal published by the Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, University of Indonesia. It was previously known as Politea: Jurnal Ilmu Politik, which was started in 2007 and then changed into Jurnal Studi Politik, which was running between 2011 until 2013 and re-published in August 2015. Jurnal Politik serves as a medium to disseminate scientific papers and various studies on contemporary politics. This journal aims to publish any kinds of popular scientific papers or research discussing either political phenomena or social and political thought. Publishing articles in this journal is the part of contributing to the development of political science. Jurnal Politik is published twice a year: in February and August. The Editorial Board of Jurnal Politik invites experts, scholars, practitioners, students, and intellectuals to submit their writings. Editors will select every manuscript submitted to Jurnal Politik using the blind reviewer mechanism from peer reviewers asked by editors. Reviewers of this journal come from national and international universities and academic institutions.
Arjuna Subject : -
Articles 6 Documents
Search results for , issue "Vol. 1, No. 2" : 6 Documents clear
Why Adopt E-voting? Study on Village Leader Elections in Musi Rawas, South Sumatera Darmawan, Ikhsan; Nurhandjati, Nurul
Jurnal Politik Vol. 1, No. 2
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Abstract

This article elaborates the e-voting adoption in village leader elections held in Musi Rawas Regency, South Sumatera, during the period of 2013 to early 2015. This paper aims at answering the question of why the government of Musi Rawas has adopted e-voting in the village leader elections. More specifically, this paper aims at identifying the motives underlying the policy to adopt e-voting in village leader elections in Musi Rawas. This article is based on the field research held between February and March, 2015. The research employs the qualitative approach. Data is collected through in-depth interview, observation, and news collected from mass media. Interviews were conducted with Mayors of Musi Rawas and the other informants that know the problems. Besides that, the research also conducted observation in three villages which held village leader elections with e-voting: Wonokerto Village, Pelawe Village, and BTS Ulu Village. Observation is the mechanism to compare between the information from interview with the empirical practice of e-voting. This article finds out that the first motive of the adoption of e-voting in the village leader election is to reduce violations of procedure. The second motive is to make the elections more efficient in term of time and money and to make the voters easier to vote. Nevertheless, the Government of Musi Rawas needs to pay attention to the technical aspect in order to make the village leader election is conducted in line with the ideal principle of election.
Demokrasi dalam Pemilihan Kepala Desa? Studi Kasus Desa Dengan Tipologi Tradisional, Transisional, dan Modern di Provinsi Jawa Barat Tahun 2008-2013 Yuningsih, Neneng Yani; Subekti, Valina Singka
Jurnal Politik Vol. 1, No. 2
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This research was motivated by variety of understandings of political activities in villages. The article argues that village is considered as the embrio for the formation of political society and government in Indonesia, which is also the basis for this democratic nation. This consideration can be seen from the activities of village’s headman elections. Headman election is a political activity that shows how democratic process can take place in village level. Therefore, headman elections cannot be eparated from the dynamic development of the political situation in the village. It is not merely a power struggle within the leadership’s succession in the village or the campaign strategy applied to gain support from the wider community, but more than that it is all about prestige, dignity and honor. So for the villagers, the headman election is more emotional and rational in comparison with other elections such as local elections, even presidential elections. This research examines the Headman Election with direct analysis of three villages with different typologies. They villages are Neglasari Village in Salawu, Tasikmalaya (Traditional Village); Cimekar Village in Cileunyi, Bandung (Transitional Village); Cipacing Village in Jatinangor, Sumedang (Modern Village). Those three villages are located in the province of West Java. The result shows that practice of democracy in those three villages has worked partly according to some ideal criteria of democracy, nevertheless has not worked yet in some others criteria.
Representasi Perempuan dalam Pemilihan Bupati dan Wakil Bupati Serentak di Jawa Tengah Tahun 2015 Marwah, Sofa
Jurnal Politik Vol. 1, No. 2
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The reform era has been a space for presenting women in politics. In this case, the political constellation in the head of district elections could not be separated from expectations to increase political participation of women in public offices. In contrast to the Election Law that had set a quota of 30% affirmative policies for women, the Law No. 8 Year 2015 on the election of Governor and Head of Cities and Regent is neutral because it allows women and men to compete openly. In fact, based on the simultaneous head of regency election in 21 regencies/cities in Central Java, from 56 pairs of candidates who competed, the number of pairs which one of the partners is women, are only 15 pairs. Women who are elected are three heads of regency and 6 vices of regency. Nevertheless, the success of women as head of regencies in Grobogan, Kendal, and Klaten at least are able to represent the ability of women in public office. In the spirit of political equality, the provision of the nomination of governor or vice of governor, head or vice of regency or city by political parties, in which one of the partner must be female, may be considered as an affirmative policy in the future.
Peran Partai Oposisi di Parlemen Pasca Pemilu Presiden 2014 Admojo, Tuswoyo
Jurnal Politik Vol. 1, No. 2
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The existence of opposition party in Indonesian parliament after the reform era has been taking place since 2004, precisely since Megawati Sukarnoputri lost the presidential election and then declared herself and her party, Indonesian Democratic Party–Struggle (PDI-P) as an opposition party. After that, PDI-P attempts to perform as a functioning opposition to criticize the government’s policies in about ten years. Then, the candidates proposed mainly by PDI-P, eventually won the 2014 presidential election by overcoming the other candidates, Prabowo Subianto-Hatta Rajasa. After the defeat, Prabowo-Hatta formed the Red and White Coalition (RWC) to maintain their opposition to Joko Widodo-Jusuf Kalla government. Meanwhile, the current president is supported by the parties known as the Outstanding Indonesia Coalition (OIC). Although in their early existence, the coalition of opposition parties succeeded in conducting some roles, nevertheless the coalition cannot run their roles well. This article tries to answer the question of why the opposition parties cannot run their roles as opposition well after the 2014 Presidential Election. This article is written based on research applying qualitative approach. This article finds that the lack of oppositional roles is due to two.
Politik Tubuh Perempuan: Bumi, Kuasa, dan Perlawanan Susilo, Daniel; Kodir, Abdul
Jurnal Politik Vol. 1, No. 2
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The women’s body in relation with the concept of existence is mutually binding. Body becomes a starting point to look at the existence of women themselves. The women’s as commodity and political instrument historically cannot be separated as the former is in many occasions seen as dangerous, especially if it is uncontrolled. Various policies have been produced by authorities as the expression of control over women’s bodies. Women themselves as the owners of the body are powerless against the control and power over her body. Any resistances to response or demand for more control will simply be labeled as immoral and inappropriate. In fact, state control over the body is actually considered as a result of the willingness of the state’s presence under the pretext of the need for more controlled public good. In other study, Foucault and ecofeminism present stringing struggle of many groups against any form of power over the woman’s body. The formation of power over sexuality is conducted through disciplining the body and through a population policy to regulate the rate of population growth. Foucault criticized the effort to control women’s body. The aim of this article is to prove the power through its apparatus controls women’s bodies through reproductive policies. This paper also describes the mastery correlation of the female body with earth, in relation with the views of ecofeminism. Ecofeminism also takes a more extreme way to be directly involved in saving earth, the first teritory heavily linked with the women’s body. The concern with women’s bodies also means caring about the future survival of human.
Kelas Menengah dalam Bingkai Middle Indonesia Jati, Wasisto Raharjo
Jurnal Politik Vol. 1, No. 2
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