Articles
<![CDATA[Group of Expansion Movements in the Formation of New Regions in Indonesia; Study of Movement Mobilization on Formation of Parigi Moutong Regency ]]>
<![CDATA[Alamsyah, Muhammad Nur]]>;
<![CDATA[Subekti, Valina Singka]]>
<![CDATA[ KOMUNITAS: INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN SOCIETY AND CULTURE Vol 9, No 1 (2017): Komunitas, March 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/komunitas.v9i1.7710
<![CDATA[Tulisan ini menjelaskan dimensi struktur mobilisasi sumber daya dalam gerakan politik pembentukan daerah baru di Indonesia. Pembentukan daerah selama ini hanya dilihat sebagai pemanfaatan struktur formal semata, meskipun pada kenyataannya keterlibatan organisasi non formal memberikan andil penting dan menentukan sebuah pemekaran. Pendekatan yang digunakan adalah kualitatif dengan dukungan data primer dan sekunder terkait pembentukan kabupaten Parigi Moutong. Data yang diperoleh, melalui wawancara mendalam dengan tokoh-tokoh kelompok pemekaran. Data sekunder diperoleh dari media massa dan lembaga pemerintah juga dokumentasi pribadi. Teori yang digunakan adalah dimensi struktur mobilisasi sumber daya dari teori Struktur kesempatan politik (POST). Studi ini menemukan bahwa struktur mobilisasi sumber daya formal/non formal umumnya menggunakan hubungan dan jejaring kedekatan sehingga bersifat pribadi dan juga primordial. Pengaruh politik nasional untuk pemekaran, meningkatkan motivasi dan semangat mobilisasi sumberdaya gerakan sebagai dampak cycles protes yang telah berlangsung lama dari generasi-generasi gerakan pemekaran sebelumnya di Parigi Moutong.]]>
<![CDATA[The Role of Expansion Movement in the Establishment of New Region in Indonesia: A Study of Parigi Moutong Regency ]]>
<![CDATA[Alamsyah, Muhammad Nur]]>;
<![CDATA[Subekti, Valina Singka]]>
<![CDATA[ KOMUNITAS: International Journal of Indonesian Society and Culture Vol 9, No 1 (2017): Komunitas, March 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/komunitas.v9i1.7710
<![CDATA[The study explains the dimension of the structure of resource mobilization in the political movement of new region establishment in Indonesia. The establishment of new regions has been seen only in the utilization of formal structures. In fact, the involvement of non-formal organizations also contributes to the importance and determines a region expansion. The study employed a qualitative approach with the support of primary and secondary data related to the establishment of Parigi Moutong Regency. The data was obtained through in-depth interviews with the group figures of the expansion. The secondary data was obtained from mass media and government agencies as well as personal documentation. The theory used was the dimension of the resource mobilization structure of the political opportunity structure (POST) theory. The study reveals that the success of the expansion movement in Parigi Moutong Regency for their structure resource mobilization by civil society organizations or non-formal to formal institutional build up pressure by using lobbying based on personal, professional and primordial networks. The influence of national political reforms motivated and mobilized the mobilization of movement resources as a repetition of the movement that had taken place in the previous expansion movement in Parigi Moutong Regency.]]>
<![CDATA[Political Family and Intra-Party Democracy in Indonesia. (A Study on the Political Recruitment of the Golkar Party during the Reform Era in South Sulawesi) ]]>
<![CDATA[PURWANINGSIH, TITIN]]>;
<![CDATA[SUBEKTI, VALINA SINGKA]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 8, No 1 (2017): February 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.8154
<![CDATA[This paper looks at the political family involved in the local politics in South Sulawesi, particularly the political recruitment mechanism and political party institutionalization from the intra-party democracy perspective. Based on qualitative analysis, the findings of this research show that, firstly, a large number of political families in Golkar Party at South Sulawesi are a product of the oligarchymeritocratic political recruitment. Political legacies such as activities in social and political organizations give more advantages for the political families both in the political recruitment process and the access to power. Secondly, the weakness of Golkar Party’s institutionalization is showed by the dependence of Golkar Party to the party’s elite and the existence of factionalization within the party. As a result of such weakness, several party leaders resign from Golkar Party, thereby strengthening the role of political families in the political recruitment process. 50% of the 2014 electoral vote for the Golkar Party in the South Sulawesi Parliament has been largely contributed by the political families.]]>
<![CDATA[Political Family and Intra-Party Democracy in Indonesia. (A Study on the Political Recruitment of the Golkar Party during the Reform Era in South Sulawesi) ]]>
<![CDATA[PURWANINGSIH, TITIN]]>;
<![CDATA[SUBEKTI, VALINA SINGKA]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 8, No 1 (2017): February 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.8154
<![CDATA[This paper looks at the political family involved in the local politics in South Sulawesi, particularly the political recruitment mechanism and political party institutionalization from the intra-party democracy perspective. Based on qualitative analysis, the findings of this research show that, firstly, a large number of political families in Golkar Party at South Sulawesi are a product of the oligarchymeritocratic political recruitment. Political legacies such as activities in social and political organizations give more advantages for the political families both in the political recruitment process and the access to power. Secondly, the weakness of Golkar Party’s institutionalization is showed by the dependence of Golkar Party to the party’s elite and the existence of factionalization within the party. As a result of such weakness, several party leaders resign from Golkar Party, thereby strengthening the role of political families in the political recruitment process. 50% of the 2014 electoral vote for the Golkar Party in the South Sulawesi Parliament has been largely contributed by the political families.]]>
<![CDATA[Prolonged Elite Conflict and the Destruction of the Indonesian Islamic Union Party (PSII) ]]>
<![CDATA[Valina Singka Subekti]]>
<![CDATA[ Studia Islamika Vol 24, No 2 (2017): Studia Islamika ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Center for Study of Islam and Society (PPIM) Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University ]]>
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DOI: 10.15408/sdi.v24i2.4580
<![CDATA[Even prior to Indonesia’s declaration of independence, political parties flourished as part of the political landscape of the archipelago and played a significant role in Indonesia’s struggle for independence. Instead of contributing to political development and institutionalisation, however, some political parties prove to be unable to survive the test of time. Indeed, one reason for this is internal conflict among party elites. Here I discuss the case of the Indonesian Islamic Union Party (PSII, Partai Syarikat Islam Indonesia), Indonesia’s first Islamic party, before its ultimate demise. This article argues that PSII’s destruction was the result of unresolved conflicts among the party’s elite. In fact, an examination of the party’s history reveals that party unity was fractured for decades as a result of protracted conflicts that resulted in its dissolution. Its return to politics during the newly democratic elections after 1998 remained compromised by the same chronic problem, which affected its ability to generate sufficient popular support to meet the prescribed electoral threshold.DOI: 10.15408/sdi.v24i2.4580]]>
<![CDATA[Dynamic Local Political Elite in Process for Proposing Regional Expansion ]]>
<![CDATA[Hilal Ramdhani]]>;
<![CDATA[Valina Singka Subekti]]>
<![CDATA[ JIP (Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan) : Kajian Ilmu Pemerintahan dan Politik Daerah Vol 5 No 1 (2020): JIP (Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan) : Kajian Ilmu Pemerintahan dan Politik Daerah ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Pancasakti Tegal ]]>
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DOI: 10.24905/jip.5.1.2020.1-11
<![CDATA[Regional expansion though still in the moratorium stage, but political movements carried out by the local political elite are getting stronger at the local level. The dynamics of the local political elite in the process of proposing regional expansion is based on issues in the political elite that support, also reject. In the case of proposing the Cirebon Province, the regional division movement into a Province has been carried out since 2009, precisely when the Presidium for the Establishment of the Cirebon Province was declared, but until 2019 it could not form a solid coalition at the local level. This study uses a qualitative approach with case studies that use interviews, observation and documentation as data collection techniques. The results showed that until 2019 there had not been a solid coalition at the local level, because the issues of ethnicity, regional development, political history and natural resources became a tool used by local political elites to not join coalitions at the local level, these results showed differences with the case in Gorontalo and in Banten, when the political elite joined to fight for the division of the Province on the basis of the same political history.]]>
<![CDATA[Dinamika Pembangunan Koalisi Partai Politik Pengusung Calon Tunggal Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Kabupaten Lebak Tahun 2018 ]]>
<![CDATA[Siti Khodijah]]>;
<![CDATA[Valina Singka Subekti]]>
<![CDATA[ Nakhoda: Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 19 No 2 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Laboratorium Jurusan Ilmu Pemerintahan FISIP Universitas Riau ]]>
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DOI: 10.35967/njip.v19i2.111
<![CDATA[This research is related to the coalition that was built by all political parties in presenting a single candidate in the 2018 regional elections. presenting candidates who are ready for the pilkada, this happened in Lebak district, Banten province, for the first time the Local election only produced one candidate from the incumbent. This research uses the perspective of Michael Laver's theory which states that coalitions are formed only to gain political office or are called office-seeking, and is supported by Katz and Mair's theory which states that all parties have the same interests, namely only maintaining their collective survival. This research uses qualitative research methods using case studies. Data were obtained by conducting interviews, collecting documents and studying literature. The results showed that the coalition built by political parties in the Lebak district election had a pragmatic motive, that is all political parties unitedly carry incumbent candidates who ultimately did not provide support to independent candidates so that none became an opposition party. In addition, coalitions are carried out only to maintain power and increase the vote acquisition of political parties ahead of the legislative elections in 2109. However, on the other hand, it shows the failure of political parties to recruit the best cadres of their parties at the local political level. So that the coalition that was built only produced a single candidate without a challenger in the Lebak district election in 2018.]]>
<![CDATA[Politik Pencalonan Pasangan Suami-Istri pada Pemilihan Kepala Desa di Desa Sekaran Kabupaten Bojonegoro dan Desa Lembor Kabupaten Lamongan ]]>
<![CDATA[Anang Fajrul Ukhwaluddin]]>;
<![CDATA[Valina Singka Subekti]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Pemerintahan dan Politik Lokal Vol 4 No 1 (2022): JGLP, MEI 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Pancasakti ]]>
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DOI: 10.47650/jglp.v4i1.404
<![CDATA[Artikel jurnal ini membahas mengenai terjadinya pencalonan pasangan suami-istri pada pilkades yang terjadi di Desa Sekaran dan Desa Lembor. Dengan fokus pembahasan pada penyebab terjadinya pencalonan pasangan suami-istri pada pilkades. Hasil dari pembahasan ini menunjukkan bahwa pencalonan pasangan suami-istri terjadi disebabkan tidak adanya masyarakat yang mencalonkan diri menjadi penantang petahana di dua desa tersebut. Dan tidak adanya masyarakat yang mencalonkan tersebut, disebabkan kuatnya pengaruh modal sosial dan modal simbolik yang dimiliki oleh calon petahana di Desa Sekaran, dan juga kuatnya pengaruh kelompok NU yang ada di Desa Lembor.]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Malpraktik Pemilu: Intergritas Bawaslu dalam menghadapi kampanye terselubung di acara Reuni Akbar 212 ]]>
<![CDATA[Fikri Ardiyansyah]]>;
<![CDATA[Valina Singka Subekti]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Education, Humaniora and Social Sciences (JEHSS) Vol 4, No 1 (2021): Journal of Education, Humaniora and Social Sciences (JEHSS), August ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Mahesa Research Center ]]>
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DOI: 10.34007/jehss.v4i1.591
<![CDATA[This paper aims to examine the hidden campaigns carried out by camp 02 at the 212 grand reunion event, and the actions taken by Bawaslu as election organizer. This study uses analytic qualitative research, namely research that has the aim of analyzing the findings. The results showed that the grand reunion carried out by 212 alumni was a form of covert campaign by camp 02. This was evidenced by the findings explained by the researchers. In addition, the actions taken by Bawaslu were a form of election violations with the DKPP decision regarding the sanctions given to Bawaslu commissioners. In practice, in the field there was a hidden campaign carried out by party 02 at the grand reunion. This is evidenced by the existence of hashtags to replace the president and songs or yells that cornered parties 01. In the third typology it is explained that the election organizer must be neutral and professional. This is different from the findings in the field where a decision was made by one of the commissioners unilaterally without any prior investigation and plenary meeting and only came from television broadcasts. The data were collected through in-depth interviews with sources, and were analyzed qualitatively. This study concluded that the grand reunion carried out by 212 alumni was a form of covert campaign carried out by camp 02. In addition, Bawaslu was proven to have violated ethics by issuing a DKPP decision regarding violations of the code of ethics accepted by DKI Bawaslu and Bawaslu RI by making decisions one-sided so that it is not neutral and professional.]]>
<![CDATA[The Role of Expansion Movement in the Establishment of New Region in Indonesia: A Study of Parigi Moutong Regency ]]>
<![CDATA[Alamsyah, Muhammad Nur]]>;
<![CDATA[Subekti, Valina Singka]]>
<![CDATA[ Komunitas Vol 9, No 1 (2017): March 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/komunitas.v9i1.7710
<![CDATA[The study explains the dimension of the structure of resource mobilization in the political movement of new region establishment in Indonesia. The establishment of new regions has been seen only in the utilization of formal structures. In fact, the involvement of non-formal organizations also contributes to the importance and determines a region expansion. The study employed a qualitative approach with the support of primary and secondary data related to the establishment of Parigi Moutong Regency. The data was obtained through in-depth interviews with the group figures of the expansion. The secondary data was obtained from mass media and government agencies as well as personal documentation. The theory used was the dimension of the resource mobilization structure of the political opportunity structure (POST) theory. The study reveals that the success of the expansion movement in Parigi Moutong Regency for their structure resource mobilization by civil society organizations or non-formal to formal institutional build up pressure by using lobbying based on personal, professional and primordial networks. The influence of national political reforms motivated and mobilized the mobilization of movement resources as a repetition of the movement that had taken place in the previous expansion movement in Parigi Moutong Regency.]]>
