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Contact Name
Muhammad Asadullah Al Ghozi
Contact Email
ma.alghozi@gmail.com
Phone
+6285272427654
Journal Mail Official
jurnalpolitik@ui.ac.id
Editorial Address
University of Indonesia, Gedung Tapi Omas Ihromi (B) Lantai 2 Kampus Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Pondok Cina, Kecamatan Beji, Kota Depok, Jawa Barat 16424
Location
Kota depok,
Jawa barat
INDONESIA
Jurnal Politik
Published by Universitas Indonesia
ISSN : 24607347     EISSN : 24610615     DOI : https://doi.org/10.7454/jp
Core Subject :
Jurnal Politik is a nationally accredited journal published by the Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, University of Indonesia. It was previously known as Politea: Jurnal Ilmu Politik, which was started in 2007 and then changed into Jurnal Studi Politik, which was running between 2011 until 2013 and re-published in August 2015. Jurnal Politik serves as a medium to disseminate scientific papers and various studies on contemporary politics. This journal aims to publish any kinds of popular scientific papers or research discussing either political phenomena or social and political thought. Publishing articles in this journal is the part of contributing to the development of political science. Jurnal Politik is published twice a year: in February and August. The Editorial Board of Jurnal Politik invites experts, scholars, practitioners, students, and intellectuals to submit their writings. Editors will select every manuscript submitted to Jurnal Politik using the blind reviewer mechanism from peer reviewers asked by editors. Reviewers of this journal come from national and international universities and academic institutions.
Arjuna Subject : -
Articles 5 Documents
Search results for , issue "Vol. 11, No. 1" : 5 Documents clear
The Convergence of World Prosperity and Afterlife Salvation: Neoliberalism and Political Islam in Turkey Firmansyah, Muhammad Andi
Jurnal Politik Vol. 11, No. 1
Publisher : UI Scholars Hub

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Abstract

This article investigates why Turkey’s middle-to-low-income earners, the segment of the population that has suffered the most from the neoliberal policies of the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (Justice and Development Party AKP), have continued to support the party for so long. Using a case study approach based on secondary data, this article argues that the source of the AKP’s enduring legitimacy lies in their skill in utilising political Islam to consolidate neoliberalism. They strategically framed neoliberal restructuring in an Islamic spirit, generating not only loyal cross-class support but also obedience to neoliberal political projects with all their destructive consequences. The AKP, for example, justifies material inequality not as a logical consequence of meritocracy as in secular neoliberalism but rather as a divine decree that determines the individual’s path of salvation and social role. In this way, the AKP government gains prerogatives and legitimacy that secular neoliberal states rarely enjoy. However, this model of hegemony is also fragile and unsustainable. Since the economic slowdown in 2012 and a series of critical incidents, the AKP government has faced a profound legitimacy crisis. Eventually, it took the path of authoritarianism as a survival strategy. This research enriches our understanding of how neoliberalism can adapt and blend discursively with local socio-political culture. In particular, the AKP case serves as a good reminder that responding to neoliberal crises with more neoliberalism often only postpones problems rather than solving them.
When Civil Society Defends Authoritarianism: Thai Bhakdi, We Support Prayuth, and Thailand’s Democratic Decline Sapta, Igastya Hagarayu; Makhasin, Luthfi
Jurnal Politik Vol. 11, No. 1
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Abstract

Civil society is often regarded as an essential foundation for democratic consolidation, but in Thailand, civil society also plays a crucial role in maintaining authoritarian rule. This article analyzes how pro-authoritarian civil society movements—Thai Bhakdi and “We Support Prayuth”—emerged and operated in the context of the historical relationship between the military and the monarchy and political polarisation since the 2006 coup. Using the authoritarian civil society (ACS) framework and a comparative historical analysis approach, this study traces how the long-standing divide between reformist and conservative forces created fertile ground for these movements. Thai Bhakdi, rooted in monarchist nationalism, mobilises offline and digital activism to defend the monarchy, emphasising national identity and using lèse majesté laws to silence criticism. “We Support Prayuth,” in line with the military-led narrative of stability, legitimises extraordinary powers such as Article 44 to strengthen the junta’s authority. Using archival data, academic literature, and social media content, the findings show that these movements—though formally independent from the state—function as autonomous enforcers of the royal-military-conservative order. Rather than countering authoritarianism, Thailand’s polarised civil society has legitimised it, narrowing the space for democracy and reinforcing a path-dependent cycle of democratic backsliding.
Tekotok’s Digital Satire and Public Sentiment in Response to the Realities of Work in Indonesia Fanani, Ahmad Farid
Jurnal Politik Vol. 11, No. 1
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Abstract

Inequities within Indonesia's labor system remain a prominent issue, particularly in terms of fair access and protection for all segments of the workforce. As digital media continues to evolve, critiques of labor policy are increasingly expressed through new mediums, including satirical animations. This study aims to explore how the satirical animated videos from the YouTube channel Tekotok represent critiques of labor policy using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and public sentiment analysis. A mixed-methods approach is employed, combining Fairclough’s three-dimensional model for narrative analysis with the IndoBERT model to classify sentiment in 875 YouTube comments. The results demonstrate that Tekotok’s animations effectively highlight issues such as age discrimination, unrealistic recruitment criteria, and weak worker protections. Audience responses were predominantly positive, indicating the animation’s success in conveying socially relevant critique. These findings confirm that digital animation has the potential to be a powerful and participatory medium for public criticism of employment policies in the digital era.
Religious Parties and the Construction of Political Identity: A Comparative Study of Indonesia and Türkiye Tabina, Athifa Sharanda Putri; Fahadayna, Adhi C.; Aminuddin, M. Faishal
Jurnal Politik Vol. 11, No. 1
Publisher : UI Scholars Hub

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Abstract

This study examines the influence of religious-based political parties on political identity by comparing Indonesia and Türkiye. The background of this research lies in the role of religious parties in shaping political identity in Muslim-majority countries, where these parties must balance their adherence to religious doctrine with democratic values. The research problem examines how religious-based parties, such as PKS in Indonesia and AKP in Türkiye, construct their political identities within differing political systems. Using a quantitative approach with a comparative design and linear regression analysis, the study tests the impact of variables such as religious representation, associational networks, political education, and religious political identity. The results reveal that in Indonesia, these variables significantly shape political identity, whereas in Türkiye, no significant influence is observed due to AKP’s reliance on populist-nationalist narratives. The conclusion highlights that institutional and historical contexts heavily mediate the impact of religious parties on political identity.
The Fading of Identity Politics and the Rise of Oligarchy in Selayar, South Sulawesi Bakar, Abu; Kambo, Gustiana A; Bahtiar, M. Teguh Setyadi
Jurnal Politik Vol. 11, No. 1
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Abstract

The fading of identity issues indicates that the direction of local politics in Selayar has shifted and changed. However, this change does not mean that it does not bring new problems to the local political landscape in Selayar, South Sulawesi, Indonesia. We aim to uncover the emergence of oligarchy in place of identity politics as a new phenomenon in the Selayar context. This research uses the concept of oligarchy to understand it, which is described qualitatively. In general, we argue that the failure of identity politics to consolidate power has given birth to oligarchies that are intertwined with familism in the local sphere. The emergence of oligarchy at the local level is strongly influenced by the disorientation of identity politics and the fragile socio-economic conditions of the community so that the practice of buying and selling votes cannot be avoided, which is used by oligarchs to take advantage unilaterally.

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