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Contact Name
Shofwan Al Banna Choiruzzad
Contact Email
shofwan.albanna@gmail.com
Phone
+62217873744
Journal Mail Official
global@ui.ac.id
Editorial Address
Jl. Prof. Selo Soemardjan, Nusantara 2 2nd Floor, Faculty of Social and Political Science Universitas Indonesia, Depok City 16424, Indonesia
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INDONESIA
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional
Published by Universitas Indonesia
ISSN : 14115492     EISSN : 25798251     DOI : https://doi.org/10.7454/global
Core Subject :
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional is a biannual peer-reviewed journal that specialises in foreign policy, international security, international political economy, and transnational issues involving actors of the Global South, having implications towards the Global South, or perspectives from the Global South that are often overlooked in the mainstream journals in the Global North. With its first issue published in 1990, Global is the oldest university-based journal of International Relations in Indonesia, a historically leading actor in the Global South. Hosted by the Department of International Relations, Universitas Indonesia, Global has been serving as one of the primary platforms for ideas exchanges among Indonesia’s most influential thinkers and beyond. In its attempt to internationalise and further bridge the North and South perspectives, the journal welcomes submission of manuscripts that would be of interest to scholarly communities and policymakers. For this purpose, since 2019 Global only publishes articles in English. Global publishes two types of articles: original research articles offering theory-driven empirical analysis and review articles that critically examine contemporary debates in International Relations literature.
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Articles 7 Documents
Search results for , issue "Vol. 7, No. 1" : 7 Documents clear
Menelaah Konsep Human Security: Studi Kasus Penanganan Masalah Pengungsi Afganistan di Australia (1999-2002) Azis, Avyanthi
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 7, No. 1
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This article is a short report drawn from a research on the issue of the Afghan refugees in Australia (1992-2002). Using the infamous “boat people” case as illustration, the research was intended to provide careful observation on the concept “human security,” a term increasingly linked to forced migration issues. Although human security is often portrayed as a benign concept with strong moral stance, its vastness and loose definition limit its adequacy as a useful tool of analysis. The concept is also prone to misuse because it loosely adapts to various ideological interests. Following a framework elaborated from the thoughts of Caballero-Anthony and Freitas, the article shows that it is possible to implement the human security approach in two conflicting dimensions, positive (the ideal) or negative. Both serve to protect the individuals, but each secures a different entity.
Dual-Track Diplomacy Government-NGO: Solusi Alternatif dalam Masalah Perlindungan TKI di Malaysia Sustikarini, Amalia
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 7, No. 1
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This article offers a new paradigm in analyzing migrant worker problems in Indonesia, particularly about its relationship with Malaysia, as one of the most significant destination country for Indonesian migrant workers. Migrant workers issues must be analyzed with social economy, politics and humanitarian perspectives, to obtain a comprehensive view towards this never-ending problem. Diplomacy becomes a very important aspect if we want to discuss about the protection of Indonesian Migrants Worker. Indonesian Government needs to invite a further involvement of NGO to implement dual track diplomacy, since this problem is too complicated to be solved only by the government. This article is also supported with the historical background of the occurrence processes of the migrant worker in the world, and between Indonesia-Malaysia in particular.
Privatisasi Air di Indonesia: Saran Pelaksanaan dengan Berkaca dari Pengalaman Negara Lain Arianti, Vidia
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 7, No. 1
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Limited sources of water in the world imposed many countries to give ‘real’ tariffs on water, or in other words, water privatization. Long time ago, water is a public good which people could access freely and cheaply. In the future, there are tendencies that water can no longer be used as public goods, but become private goods, where only certain people who could pay the ‘real’ tariff of water could have access to which. Water privatization has undergone in many countries, as well as in developed, developing, and less developed countries. Besides the limited sources of water, the inability of the government (especially in third world countries) to provide water service for its citizens is getting worse. Governments can no longer give subsidy to its citizens by giving cheap water’s tariff meanwhile the costs to provide clean water is quite high. Governments have limited choice, so privatization becomes the ultimate solution for this problem. Moreover, the World Bank and Asian Development Bank are very keen on these water privatization. The consequence of this water privatization is the significant increase of water tariff. It means that only rich people will have access to clean water while the poor can not pay for the high water tariff. This becomes the central problem of water privatization happened in many countries, for example in South Africa, where 200 people die because of inaccessibility of clean expensive-water. Meanwhile, water privatization in Indonesia that has been legalized through UU No. 7 2004 is underway. Would water privatization become detrimental to Indonesia’s poor people?
Sekuritisasi Isu Maritim: Koordinasi Nasional dan Kerangka Kerja Sama Maritim Regional di Asia Tenggara Perwita, Anak Agung Banyu
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 7, No. 1
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This article discusses the significance of Malacca Straits as one of the pivotal sea lines in the world. It argues that the security of Malacca Straits involves the nexus of external and internal maritime security and therefore it should be assessed by dual approach. This article emphasize the maritime security problems in the Malacca Straits and concludes by advocating a more comprehensive maritime security framework—particularly to Indonesia, ASEAN, and other non-regional actors—in order to bring new approaches to the maritime security problem in the Malacca Straits.
Usulan Agenda WTO Pemerintah Baru Jhamtani, Hira
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 7, No. 1
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Indonesia became a member of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 1994 without prior research on the benefits and adverse impacts, and the rights and obligations involved in taking such a major policy measure. The government also did not prepare human resources and other capacities needed to take advantage of being a WTO member. Consequently, Indonesia is trying hard to comply with WTO rules but does not have the capacity to tap the opportunities provided by trade liberalization. This article aims to explain the challenges and problems faced by Indonesia related to the WTO issue, especially about the problem of Indonesia’s position in the WTO. Remembering it is only recently that Indonesia began actively strife for a better bargaining position at the WTO negotiation, the article also recommends seven steps to improve the situation, including statements that request the new government to take immediate practical steps involving briefing about WTO to the new ministers, study on the impacts of WTO, establish a strong WTO negotiating team, perhaps in the office of the president, and to halt all liberalization policies until national trade and industrial master plans and positions are established.
ASEM: Instrumen, Diplomasi, Integrasi Regional, dan Pembentukan Rezim Hutabarat, Leonard
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 7, No. 1
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Is ASEM simply an exercise in summitry, or is it an exercise in region building? Is ASEM a forum for diplomatic niceties, or is it an institution for regime creation? ASEM is more than a summit. It is also more than just a process. Though it is far from developing into a formal organization, it has acquired a certain structure. This article explains three theoretical frameworks that can be used to discuss ASEM and provides three scenarios for ASEM’s future as viewed by the realists, the liberal-institutionalists and the social constructivists. For the realists, ASEM is seen primarily as a result of changes in the distribution of power and the interest calculations of key actors in the ASEM process. Liberal-institutionalists, on the other hand, are inclined to see ASEM as part of the rising trend of regionalism and the increasing reliance on inter-regional forums to cope with the challenges of globalization. Finally, some scholars argued that the East Asia used ASEM as an instrument of regional integration or building a regional identity. This social-constructivist approach emphasizes the process of identity-formation through inter-regional interaction. It also offers a reflection on the possible developments of ASEM, taking into account the nature of current concerns and the future uncertainties surrounding it. ASEM is very much a work in progress. Its future is not yet certain, and its development will certainly be influenced by clusters of factors.
Politik Luar Negeri Indonesia: Pantulan dari 'Weak State' dan Masa Transisi yang Berkepanjangan Djafar, Zainuddin
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 7, No. 1
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Evaluation of Indonesian foreign policy leads us to assess the following: Firstly, since the Soeharto era we have had close relations with the Western countries, we have enjoyed billions of US dollars of loans, held technical co-operations in various aspects, we have oil reserves, LNG and other potential natural sources; but as a result of the multidimensional crises in 1997-1999, our economic and business activities, as well as financial and banking systems, have been ruined. Secondly, the three following administrations (B.J. Habibie, Abdurrahman Wahid and Megawati Soekarnoputri, 1998-2004) were not able to do much, let alone restore Indonesia to its former position as a respected country among ASEAN community. Thus, Indonesia has continued to deal mainly with its problems of internal crises and undeniably, has become increasingly dependent of the mercy of Western countries (including the donor agencies and international financial institutions) regarding financial loans and other economic aids. This article is aimed to explain: (a) the meaning of the term “weak state” (b) what can Indonesia do with its foreign policy, which inevitably has to compromise with the “Weak State” condition? (c) what are the policies that should be implemented so that we can come out of the delicate situation?

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