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Muslim Politics Review
ISSN : 28293568     EISSN : 2964979X     DOI : https://doi.org/10.56529/mpr
Core Subject : Social,
Focus: The MPR focuses on the multifaceted relationships between religion and political and socio-economic development of Muslim states and societies. Scope: The MPR intends to provide an international forum for exchange of ideas between scholars and students of religion and politics in the Muslim world. Open to all disciplinary backgrounds, the MPR invites submission of research articles that make theoretical and empirical contribution to the advancement of political and socio-economic development of Muslim states and societies and their relationship with the global society.
Articles 8 Documents
Search results for , issue "Vol. 1 No. 2 (2022)" : 8 Documents clear
The Rise of Indonesia Diplomatic Power Deliana, Nia
Muslim Politics Review Vol. 1 No. 2 (2022)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56529/mpr.v1i2.64

Abstract

Indonesia’s a Foreign Policy and Grand Strategy in the 21st Century: Rise of an Indo-Pacific Power. Vibhanshu Shekhar. Routledge, Taylor and FrancisNumerous experts have pointed out the changing nature of global order in the twenty-first century. As one of the world’s middle powers, Indonesia has been claiming the title of the rising power in the Indo-Pacific region through upgrading its foreign policies and attitudes in international relations. To look further into the realities, challenges, and prospects of Indonesia’s shifting foreign policy and projection of its global strategy, Vibhanshu Shekhar has authored a 250-page book of six chapters that concentrates on three keys elements: Indonesia’s emerging power, status signalling, and the Indo-Pacific region.
Contemporary Narratives of Leftist Islam Movements in Indonesia and Turkey: A Comparative Analysis Robby, Hadza Min Fadhli; Maulidan, Muhammad; Rizky, Zuliyan M.
Muslim Politics Review Vol. 1 No. 2 (2022)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56529/mpr.v1i2.59

Abstract

This research analyses the contemporary narratives of leftist Islam movements being developed as a counter-narrative to dominant Islamic discourse in Indonesia and Turkey. These leftist Islam movements were introduced under different circumstances in the two countries. In Indonesia, leftist Islam was initially promoted by Islamic scholars who were interacting with Marxist references. This was shown in the cases of Haji Misbach, who was one of Indonesia’s – and the world’s – first leftist Muslim figures. In the case of Turkey, some leftist Islamic movements were inspired by the modern Turkish Marxist movement, which emerged in the middle of the twentieth century and was eventually combined with Islamic elements. This research argues that as both Indonesian and Turkish governments are consolidating their modes of authoritarian neoliberal governance, combined with increasing religiosity, the narratives of leftist Islam are re-emerging as a way to provide socio-political criticisms and to formulate alternative ideas on the role of Islam in improving the livelihood of Muslims in Indonesia and Turkey. This research engages with several cases of leftist Islamic movements in Indonesia and Turkey. In Indonesia, this research takes the examples of FNKSDA (Nahdliyyin Front for Natural Resource Sovereignty) and its media outlet Islam Bergerak (Islam on the Move) which have had an important role in organising leftist Islamic movement in Indonesia during the 2010s. In the case of Turkey, we examine the role of Antikapitalist Müslümanlar (Anti-Capitalist Muslims), also known as Kapitalizmle Mücadele Derneği (Association for Fight against Capitalism). This research identifies the socio-political origins, main ideas, goals, and strategies of the contemporary leftist Islam movements in Indonesia and Turkey.
The Social and Political Life of Armenians in the Holy Land Kostanian, Ararat
Muslim Politics Review Vol. 1 No. 2 (2022)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56529/mpr.v1i2.65

Abstract

A Palestinian Armenian: The Intertwine between the Social and the Political. Varsen Aghabekian. Dar al-Kalima University Press (2021)The Armenian presence in the Middle East, and in the Holy City in particular, goes back thousands of years. Armenians’ presence in the territory dates back to 420AD when they participated in the construction of St James (Sourp Hagop) Convent. By the sixth century, they had constructed sixty-six religious institutions in Jerusalem. Currently, they still play a big role in the social and religious life in the Holy Land, where the Armenian Quarter stands as the one of the essential religious and ethnic pillars of the old city next to the Muslim, Christian, and Jewish quarters. The Holy Land refers to Palestinian territory and some parts of Israel, an area roughly located between the Mediterranean Sea and the Eastern Bank of the Jordan River. But this book is not solely about the history of the Armenians’ presence in Palestine. As reflected in its title, The Intertwine Between the Social and the Political, this book is about the past and the present of the Armenians of Palestine with implications about their future role in Palestinian nation-building.
How Illiberal is Indonesia's Democracy? A Comparative Perspective on Indonesia's State Enforcement of Religion Metera, Gde Dwitya Arief
Muslim Politics Review Vol. 1 No. 2 (2022)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56529/mpr.v1i2.60

Abstract

Recent appraisals of Indonesia’s political regime identify a deterioration of democratic quality, captured by a plethora of concepts such as democratic backsliding, democratic decline, and democratic regression. This deterioration compels scholars to conclude that Indonesia, in its current state, is an illiberal democracy, effectively displacing earlier optimism that Indonesian democracy will eventually be consolidated. This article engages the emerging literature on democratic decline and the rise of illiberal democracy in Indonesia by identifying a key source of its illiberal features. It makes the case linking Indonesia’s illiberal democracy with the involvement of the state in enforcing religion, as seen in the number of existing religious legislations. State enforcement of religion necessarily entails the curtailment of religious freedom, specifically freedom from religion, as the religiosity of Indonesian citizens is forced to shift from voluntary to compulsory. A liberal democracy, by definition, should not curtail individual liberty in general nor religious freedom in particular. This article then takes a comparative perspective on Indonesia by comparing the number of religious legislations in Indonesia with those of other democratic states, globally utilizing data from Religion and State (RAS) 3 and V-Dem dataset. The examination yields the observation that Indonesia has a far higher number of religious legislations than the average democracy globally. It indicates a significant level of involvement of the Indonesian state in enforcing religion. In that respect, Indonesia is unusually illiberal for a democracy. The article also emphasizes how religious legislations are mostly found in certain regions, and provides ethnographic evidence of how fasting as a religious norm is enforced during the month of Ramadan in South Kalimantan. This article concludes by reflecting on the uneven democratic quality at the subnational level. Decentralization and the uneven distribution of rights to subnational governments underlie the concentration of religious bylaws in only specific regions of the archipelago.
Islamic Populism in Palembang in the 1950s Viana, Ryllian Chandra Eka
Muslim Politics Review Vol. 1 No. 2 (2022)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56529/mpr.v1i2.61

Abstract

This study discusses the emergence of Islamic populism in Palembang in the 1950s. In the official narratives of Indonesian history, the political turbulence in Palembang that occurred in the mid-1950s is often associated with a regional Army commander-led rebellion. This research instead finds that Islamic groups played a crucial role in developing the preliminary conditions before the military group took the initiative to pull the trigger. Islamic groups, through their network of ulama, tried to unite all groups opposed to Jakarta’s leadership and communism to incorporate under one umbrella of political identity: Islam. We determine that the emergence of Islamic populism in Palembang was caused by multiple grievances: economic decline, redistribution of welfare to the region, the exclusion of Islamic groups, and the fear of communism. However, Islamic populism only succeeded in uniting factions in the Islamic community but failed to reach other groups because of the social cleavages from previous feuds.
Decolonization of Feminism in the Malayan Nationalist Movement: A Case Study of Ibu Zain and Shamsiah Fakeh Jamil, Asyiqah Binti Mohamad; Abdullah, Asilatul Hanaa Binti
Muslim Politics Review Vol. 1 No. 2 (2022)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56529/mpr.v1i2.62

Abstract

The misrepresentation of Southeast Asians throughout history was often the results of the White Man’s burden doctrine practiced by Western colonialists, which clouded their perceptions of Southeast Asians, resulting in claims that Southeast Asians were inferior. This Eurocentric idea has distorted the representation of colonized nations in general. However, the worst Eurocentric fallacy is regarding Muslim women in Southeast Asia. They were not only misrepresented but also intimidated by the patriarchal nature of orientalism. Muslim women were, and indeed often still are, viewed as vulnerable victims that need to be saved from their men, making them quarry of double oppression. The most unfortunate part is even many modern white feminists still subscribe to these Eurocentric ideas. Thus, this paper aims to decolonize this narrative by illustrating the history of women’s involvement in politics from the time of the Malay Sultanate until post-World War II Malaya. This research also explores women’s participation in the far-right and far-left political movements in Malaya, with special references to Ibu Zain and Shamsiah Fakeh. We demonstrate the independence of Malayan women and affirm that they were well-presented in Malayan politics over this period of time.
'More Than Just Devotion': The Conservative Turn Among Subcultural Muslim Youths in the Indonesian Underground Music Scene Saefullah, Hikmawan
Muslim Politics Review Vol. 1 No. 2 (2022)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56529/mpr.v1i2.58

Abstract

Scholars of Indonesian politics and Islam use the phrase ‘conservative turn’ to explain the increasing religious influence in contemporary Indonesia’s social, political, and cultural life. Although their literature provides insightful explanations about this trend, scholars fail to include subcultural Muslim youths in their analyses. The term ‘subcultural youths’ in this context refers to a diffuse network of young people that share distinctive identities, ideas, and cultural practices associated with underground music subcultures (such as punk, hardcore, hip-hop, metal, and ska) as a way to deal with a sense of marginalisation and/or to oppose mainstream society. In Indonesia in the 1990s, these youths were mostly secular, pluralist, and politically progressive and leftist. Their community welcomed all people from any social background, and religion was considered a personal matter. The social, political, and economic conditions following the fall of the New Order regime (1966-1998) changed the nature of this community. Some of its participants shifted ideologically and organisationally to Islamic conservatism and right-wing Islamism, marked by their support of and involvement in various movements such as the Islamic underground movement and the hijrah movement. This paper attempts to fill a gap within the existing literature on the conservative turn of subcultural youths in Indonesia by introducing the most recent subcultural theory as an analytical framework that can be used to explain the ideological and organisational shift. Studying the conservative turn of subcultural Muslim youths from a perspective that emphasises critical political economy allows this paper to present new insights against conventional wisdom and purely culturalist readings of the conservative turn in Indonesia.
The Muslim Brotherhood: From the Caliphate to the Modern Civic State Sayed, Mohamed
Muslim Politics Review Vol. 1 No. 2 (2022)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56529/mpr.v1i2.63

Abstract

The Muslim Brotherhood plays a prominent role in the politics of many Muslim countries as one of the largest Islamist groups. As a politico-social movement, the Muslim Brotherhood has gone through many tactical and ideological shifts over the past 90 years since its founding in 1928. Studying these shifts and the reasoning behind them can help us to understand the behaviour of certain groups. This paper studies one of the major shifts in the discourse of the movement, from the advocacy for restoring the Caliphate to the call for a modern civic state, despite the idea of the Caliphate having been one of the core motives behind the founding of the Brotherhood. This paper traces the change in Muslim Brotherhood discourse of the Caliphate through a thick analysis of the writings and statements of the prominent leaders of the group, starting with Brotherhood’s founder, al-Banna, and progressing to the leaders of the 2011 Egyptian Revolution.  This paper examines this shift’s degree of significance and its underlying rationale. Instead of addressing changes collectively, each change is considered individually to gain further insight into the incentives driving the major shift under study, namely the overhaul of the political discourse of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood in so far as shifting from adopting the caliphate to the modern civic state. This shift in the Caliphate discourse is approached singularly, opening room for exclusive explanations that are unique to the altered concept. While a wholesale approach that treats changes as a collective succeeds in explaining the changes within some social and political movements, it ignores substantial factors and elements that are advantageous for profound understanding of the case in question. The shift in the Caliphate discourse, though it was not significant in practice, is useful in suggesting an alternative method for the justification of tactical and ideological shifts of the Muslim Brotherhood.

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