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Muslim Politics Review
Published by Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia
ISSN : 28293568     EISSN : 2964979X     DOI : https://doi.org/10.56529/mpr
Core Subject : Social,
Social Sciences
Focus: The MPR focuses on the multifaceted relationships between religion and political and socio-economic development of Muslim states and societies. Scope: The MPR intends to provide an international forum for exchange of ideas between scholars and students of religion and politics in the Muslim world. Open to all disciplinary backgrounds, the MPR invites submission of research articles that make theoretical and empirical contribution to the advancement of political and socio-economic development of Muslim states and societies and their relationship with the global society.
Arjuna Subject : Ilmu Sosial - Sosiologi dan Ilmu Politik
Articles 63 Documents
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How Philippine Nationalist and Neo-Imperialist Political Identities Influence Foreign Policy: Examining the Case of Palestine Susan Kurdli; Andre Gonzales
Muslim Politics Review Vol. 4 No. 1 (2025)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56529/mpr.v4i1.436

Abstract

The discourse on the ongoing escalation of conflict in Gaza has signaled a shift in the stance of the international community on the question of Palestinian statehood. As discourses, and subsequently policies, shift, we investigate the sources and implications of specific policies. In this paper, we look at the Philippines, a democracy with a long anti-colonial history, and examine why its foreign policy has called out Israel’s crimes against Palestinians. In other words, why has the country maintained a foreign policy of following in suit of the United States (US), its former colonizer, in its support towards Israel? Moreover, what impact has this policy had on the Philippines' role in the international system? Using a constructivist lens, we critically review historical events to analyze the origins, components and implications of Philippine political identities, which then inform foreign policy decisions. In order to answer these questions, we first conceptualize the Philippines’ political identities focusing on two streams: nationalist and neo-imperialist. We then argue that the neo-imperialist current, made possible by the collusion of domestic political elites with the US, has facilitated a foreign policy that results in entrenched dependency on the US where the Philippines follows the dominant discourse dictated by the US on issues such as the Palestine-Israel conflict. This dependency has resulted in a vicious cycle where the Philippines suffers from a diminished role in the international stage through the depletion of its moral capital; in turn, reinforcing dependency. Examining this question is significant not just because of moral reasons but also because of the direct implications on the Philippines’ ability to exercise autonomy and use its power internationally. We adopt a multi-method approach consisting of historical analysis, process-tracing, and discourse analysis to trace the genealogy and contours of these identities.
Synodality as a framework for Christian-Muslim Dialogue in Asia Pablito A. Baybado
Muslim Politics Review Vol. 4 No. 1 (2025)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56529/mpr.v4i1.437

Abstract

In Asia, where Catholicism constitutes a minority religion except in the Philippines and Timor-Leste, Catholic Christians face the complex task of integrating into a culturally diverse and politically unstable landscape while preserving and asserting their distinct identity. This challenge mirrors the broader experience of minority religious communities coexisting with a dominant religion, particularly in contexts where the majority faith aligns with state or national identity. The interplay between the state and the majority religion often complicates integration efforts or deepens the isolation of the minority faith, while simultaneously fostering distrust among minority adherents toward both the majority and the state apparatus. Consequently, this majority-minority dynamic undermines initiatives aimed at dialogue and collaboration. The relationship between minority and majority religions is thus shaped by state policies and national interests, suggesting that the religious dimension of these intricate interactions is highly vulnerable to political discourses and movements, as explained in the theories of Antonio Gramsci. This article investigates these tensions through a comparative analysis of Christian-Muslim relations in the Philippines (majority Christian, minority Muslim) and Indonesia (majority Muslim, minority Christian). The analysis seeks to elucidate the critical factors generating friction within minority-majority dynamics and to assess the influence of state policies and national priorities on these interactions. The article explores potential avenues for mitigating these challenges through the implementation of the concept of synodality. Synodality is a process currently employed by the Catholic Church for its renewal and adaptation to contemporary demands. Synodality not only serves as a mechanism for Christian revitalization but also offers a robust theoretical framework for analyzing these issues, aiming to foster an effective interreligious dialogue that promotes mutual respect and cooperation across religious communities in Indonesia and the Philippines. By employing synodality as a relational paradigm, this study argues for the dismantling of the majority-minority binary, progressively eliminating barriers to authentic dialogue and collaborative engagement.
Islam-based Civil Society and the State: Muhammadiyah’s Engagement in Indonesian Local Elections Ahmad Fuad Fanani
Muslim Politics Review Vol. 4 No. 1 (2025)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56529/mpr.v4i1.438

Abstract

Religious organisations in Indonesia often forge close relations with the state, political leaders, and party elites. They devote much effort to gaining support from the state in order to protect their institutional interests. In this research, I consider Muhammadiyah’s relations with the state in the context of the organisation’s involvement in local politics and elections. I explore the nexus between institutional interest and epistemic influence, and the priority given to good state relations. This qualitative research uses data obtained through extensive literature study, analysis of election data, and in-depth interviews. This article argues that Muhammadiyah, as the second largest Islamic organisation with a vast network of educational, health and welfare institutions, places great store on having favourable links with the Indonesian state. Although rich in assets and financially secure, Muhammadiyah nonetheless requires access to state resources and goodwill from political and bureaucratic elites.
Continuity and Discontinuity of National Roles in Middle-Power States: The Case of Indonesia’s Foreign Policy Abubakar Eby Hara
Muslim Politics Review Vol. 4 No. 1 (2025)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56529/mpr.v4i1.439

Abstract

This paper examines the continuity and discontinuity of national roles adopted by middle-power states, with Indonesia as a case study. It focuses on two auxiliary roles linked to Indonesia’s master role as a regional leader. The first is Indonesia’s role as a promoter of democracy through the Bali Democracy Forum, a role that continued from the administration of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (2004-2014) to that of Joko ‘Jokowi’ Widodo (2014-2024). The second is Indonesia’s role in constructing a maritime cooperation framework under the Global Maritime Fulcrum policy initiated during Widodo’s first term, but which saw discontinuation in his second term. This paper seeks to explain why one auxiliary role persisted while the other did not. Drawing on national role conception theory, particularly the distinction between master and auxiliary roles, it argues that the sustainability of auxiliary roles depends not only on external expectations aligned with the master role, but also on internal legitimacy and support. In the case of the Global Maritime Fulcrum policy, strong domestic contestation undermined the auxiliary role, despite its alignment with Indonesia’s regional leadership ambitions.
New Approach in Interreligious Dialogue Sought Ridwan Ridwan
Muslim Politics Review Vol. 4 No. 1 (2025)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56529/mpr.v4i1.440

Abstract

Rethinking Interreligious Dialogue: Orality, Collective Memory, and Christian-Muslim Engagements in Indonesia by Izak Y.M. Lattu (Leiden, the Netherlands: Brill, 2023) This important book, published in 2023, explores interreligious conflict in Maluku, particularly in Ambon City, between 1999 and 2004, involving Muslims and Christians. What started as a trivial dispute between two young men of different religions and ethnicities (one a Muslim Bugis migrant and the other a Christian Malukan local) escalated into a deadly conflict. The conflict intensified, resulting in thousands of casualties and displacing around one million people in the region, alongside the destruction of 80 percent of infrastructure. As a result, the conflict in Ambon is intractable, with a history of past domination and inequitable conditions, changes in domination, and a complex mixture of economic, political, and cultural issues (Coleman, 2006).
On Muslim Activism in Singapore Sheikh Mohamad Farouq
Muslim Politics Review Vol. 4 No. 2 (2025)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56529/mpr.v4i2.454

Abstract

Islam in a Secular State: Muslim Activism in Singaporeby Walid Jumblatt Abdullah (Routledge, 2021). Since the 1970s, a growing global phenomenon has attempted to subordinate national identities to sit below a broader Islamic identity. This Muslim re-assertiveness has been documented even in places where Muslims represent a minority, such as Singapore. Based on two recent surveys, at least 93 percent of ethnic Malays in Singapore perceive being Muslim as important to their identity , while Muslim respondents were most likely to identify as extremely religious. This is in stark contrast to other ethnic and religious communities. Considering that Singapore is located in a Muslim-majority region and described by Huxley as a “Chinese nut in a Malay nutcracker”, it is of utmost importance that the state is able to manage Muslim assertiveness towards policies that might challenge their religious interests, without compromising on national security and economic growth. Although one can argue that this indicates a perennial sense of insecurity, it is a natural trait of any sovereign state, particularly in a multi-religious and multi-ethnic society.
On the Sustainability of Bangladesh Paradox Abdur Rahman
Muslim Politics Review Vol. 4 No. 2 (2025)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56529/mpr.v4i2.471

Abstract

Is the Bangladesh Paradox Sustainable? The Institutional Diagnostic Projectby Selim Raihan, François Bourguignon, Umar Salam (Eds.)(Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2023). Is the Bangladesh Paradox Sustainable? is an edited volume that queries the so-called ‘Bangladesh paradox’, referring to how the country enjoys the high level of economic growth despite structural problems such bad governance. Edited by Selim Raihan, François Bourguignon, and Umar Salam, the book undertakes a systematic institutional analysis of Bangladesh’s development trajectory. At its core, the volume grapples with a question that has puzzled development economists and political scientists for more than two decades: how has Bangladesh managed to achieve sustained economic growth and impressive improvements in social indicators while maintaining persistently weak governance and fragile political institutions? This Bangladesh paradox is not merely a puzzle of empirical curiosity but a serious challenge to dominant theories of political economy, since it suggests that under certain historical and political configurations, growth can emerge despite the absence of what are conventionally defined as ‘good’ institutions.
Governing Religion: Colonial Legality, State, and the Case of Hijab in India Kiliyamannil, Thahir Jamal
Muslim Politics Review Vol. 4 No. 2 (2025)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56529/mpr.v4i2.508

Abstract

In March 2022, India’s Karnataka High Court ruled that the wearing of hijab by Muslim students was not an ‘essential religious practice’ under Islam. This raised a question of authority to interpret Islamic law, as the judges effectively decided what constitutes Islam legitimately and what does not. To trace the genealogy of these modes of governing religion, the paper examines three connected moments—the Karnataka hijab case, the Indian Constituent Assembly debates of 1946-1949, and the codification of Islamic law by the British colonial government—as instances in which the authority of the state emerges in judicial, constitutional, and colonial registers respectively. Across these sites, using genealogical method, this article shows how the state has continuously reorganized Islamic legal and ethical traditions into manageable forms, producing self-organizing Muslim subjects. I argue that the court’s capacity to define and limit Islamic norms is structurally embedded in the grammar of the modern state and its logic of governance, inherited and reconfigured from colonial techniques of defining and regulating religion.
Post-Conflict Political Dynamics in Aceh and Bangsamoro: Religious Symbols and Patrimonialism in Practice Huswatun Miswar, Syarifah; Camral, King Alizon M.
Muslim Politics Review Vol. 4 No. 2 (2025)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56529/mpr.v4i2.509

Abstract

Post-conflict Aceh and Bangsamoro continue to face significant governance challenges marked by ineffective autonomy and the consolidation of religiously-grounded political authority. While special autonomy theoretically provides an inclusive framework for development, in practice, authority remains monopolized by elites who draw legitimacy from Islamic symbols. The rise of figures labeled as ‘abang-abang syar’i’ (male leaders who publicly represent Islam) demonstrates how public displays of piety are often intertwined with patronage, collusion and kinship-based power consolidation. In Aceh, widespread trust in religious scholars conceals an accommodative and hierarchical power structure, while in Bangsamoro, religious rhetoric is strategically deployed to distribute benefits narrowly within elite circles. This study adopts a comparative perspective and a theoretical framework integrating Islamic patrimonialism, moral politics, masculinity, and Islamic neopopulism. The findings suggest that religious symbolism primarily operates as aesthetic legitimation, while entrenched corruption and patronage networks continue to undermine inclusive, accountable, and socially-just governance.
Faith and Empowerment among Bangladeshi Muslim Women Al Mamun, Md. Abdullah; Hossen, Md. Nadim
Muslim Politics Review Vol. 4 No. 2 (2025)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56529/mpr.v4i2.510

Abstract

This study explores whether Islam in Bangladesh supports or restricts women's empowerment. Using qualitative analysis of peer-reviewed literature, policy documents, and digital content, the research examines how religious teachings, cultural norms, and social realities interact. Although Islamic teachings emphasize justice, consent, and women's economic rights, these ideals are often unevenly applied due to patriarchal customs, informal dispute parties, and selective religious interpretations. The findings show that practices such as wearing the hijab, praying, and studying the Quran help many women build discipline, dignity, and social capital, which strengthens their confidence, mobility, and voice. At the same time, the same religious spaces, both offline and online, can become restrictive through social monitoring, ‘religious vigilantism’, family norms, and barriers in the job market. While legal protections and systems such as microfinance create new opportunities, their impact often remains limited because of men’s mediation, institutional weakness, and poor enforcement. Overall, the study argues that women's empowerment should not be viewed only through a secular religious divide but through a faith-sensitive lens. It highlights the need for justice-based religious education, inclusive religious leadership, digital safety and literacy, and stronger implementation of legal rights. The findings suggest that religion can function both as a resource and a barrier, and its impact depends on factors such as class, location, disability, and access to digital platforms.

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