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Muslim Politics Review
Published by Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia
ISSN : 28293568     EISSN : 2964979X     DOI : https://doi.org/10.56529/mpr
Core Subject : Social,
Social Sciences
Focus: The MPR focuses on the multifaceted relationships between religion and political and socio-economic development of Muslim states and societies. Scope: The MPR intends to provide an international forum for exchange of ideas between scholars and students of religion and politics in the Muslim world. Open to all disciplinary backgrounds, the MPR invites submission of research articles that make theoretical and empirical contribution to the advancement of political and socio-economic development of Muslim states and societies and their relationship with the global society.
Arjuna Subject : Ilmu Sosial - Sosiologi dan Ilmu Politik
Articles 55 Documents
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Decolonization of Feminism in the Malayan Nationalist Movement: A Case Study of Ibu Zain and Shamsiah Fakeh Jamil, Asyiqah Binti Mohamad; Abdullah, Asilatul Hanaa Binti
Muslim Politics Review Vol. 1 No. 2 (2022)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56529/mpr.v1i2.62

Abstract

The misrepresentation of Southeast Asians throughout history was often the results of the White Man’s burden doctrine practiced by Western colonialists, which clouded their perceptions of Southeast Asians, resulting in claims that Southeast Asians were inferior. This Eurocentric idea has distorted the representation of colonized nations in general. However, the worst Eurocentric fallacy is regarding Muslim women in Southeast Asia. They were not only misrepresented but also intimidated by the patriarchal nature of orientalism. Muslim women were, and indeed often still are, viewed as vulnerable victims that need to be saved from their men, making them quarry of double oppression. The most unfortunate part is even many modern white feminists still subscribe to these Eurocentric ideas. Thus, this paper aims to decolonize this narrative by illustrating the history of women’s involvement in politics from the time of the Malay Sultanate until post-World War II Malaya. This research also explores women’s participation in the far-right and far-left political movements in Malaya, with special references to Ibu Zain and Shamsiah Fakeh. We demonstrate the independence of Malayan women and affirm that they were well-presented in Malayan politics over this period of time.
'More Than Just Devotion': The Conservative Turn Among Subcultural Muslim Youths in the Indonesian Underground Music Scene Saefullah, Hikmawan
Muslim Politics Review Vol. 1 No. 2 (2022)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56529/mpr.v1i2.58

Abstract

Scholars of Indonesian politics and Islam use the phrase ‘conservative turn’ to explain the increasing religious influence in contemporary Indonesia’s social, political, and cultural life. Although their literature provides insightful explanations about this trend, scholars fail to include subcultural Muslim youths in their analyses. The term ‘subcultural youths’ in this context refers to a diffuse network of young people that share distinctive identities, ideas, and cultural practices associated with underground music subcultures (such as punk, hardcore, hip-hop, metal, and ska) as a way to deal with a sense of marginalisation and/or to oppose mainstream society. In Indonesia in the 1990s, these youths were mostly secular, pluralist, and politically progressive and leftist. Their community welcomed all people from any social background, and religion was considered a personal matter. The social, political, and economic conditions following the fall of the New Order regime (1966-1998) changed the nature of this community. Some of its participants shifted ideologically and organisationally to Islamic conservatism and right-wing Islamism, marked by their support of and involvement in various movements such as the Islamic underground movement and the hijrah movement. This paper attempts to fill a gap within the existing literature on the conservative turn of subcultural youths in Indonesia by introducing the most recent subcultural theory as an analytical framework that can be used to explain the ideological and organisational shift. Studying the conservative turn of subcultural Muslim youths from a perspective that emphasises critical political economy allows this paper to present new insights against conventional wisdom and purely culturalist readings of the conservative turn in Indonesia.
Behavioural Approaches to Muslim Politics: The State of the Art Mujani, Saiful
Muslim Politics Review Vol. 1 No. 1 (2022)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56529/mpr.v1i1.51

Abstract

The behavioural approach to Muslim politics in academic literature is a recent development. The approach emerged only in the early twenty-first century, largely as most Muslim-majority nations have been autocracies constraining the freedom of speech required to study political attitudes and behaviour. Many behaviourally driven studies have examined dimensions of Islam as predictors of political attitudes and behaviorr. These include religious affiliation, religiosity, and religious political orientation. While democracy is rare in Muslim majority nations, at the individual level, Muslim religious affiliation and religiosity only partially predict political attitudes and behaviour. Taking an expansive measure of Islamism or Islamic ideology helps us understand this, as it potentially predicts the absence of liberal democracy in Muslim countries. To do this successfully, however, more realistic external validity is required. Scholars still often define and measure Islamism differently, therefore a more standardised measure is required for comparative study.
The Muslim Brotherhood: From the Caliphate to the Modern Civic State Sayed, Mohamed
Muslim Politics Review Vol. 1 No. 2 (2022)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56529/mpr.v1i2.63

Abstract

The Muslim Brotherhood plays a prominent role in the politics of many Muslim countries as one of the largest Islamist groups. As a politico-social movement, the Muslim Brotherhood has gone through many tactical and ideological shifts over the past 90 years since its founding in 1928. Studying these shifts and the reasoning behind them can help us to understand the behaviour of certain groups. This paper studies one of the major shifts in the discourse of the movement, from the advocacy for restoring the Caliphate to the call for a modern civic state, despite the idea of the Caliphate having been one of the core motives behind the founding of the Brotherhood. This paper traces the change in Muslim Brotherhood discourse of the Caliphate through a thick analysis of the writings and statements of the prominent leaders of the group, starting with Brotherhood’s founder, al-Banna, and progressing to the leaders of the 2011 Egyptian Revolution.  This paper examines this shift’s degree of significance and its underlying rationale. Instead of addressing changes collectively, each change is considered individually to gain further insight into the incentives driving the major shift under study, namely the overhaul of the political discourse of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood in so far as shifting from adopting the caliphate to the modern civic state. This shift in the Caliphate discourse is approached singularly, opening room for exclusive explanations that are unique to the altered concept. While a wholesale approach that treats changes as a collective succeeds in explaining the changes within some social and political movements, it ignores substantial factors and elements that are advantageous for profound understanding of the case in question. The shift in the Caliphate discourse, though it was not significant in practice, is useful in suggesting an alternative method for the justification of tactical and ideological shifts of the Muslim Brotherhood.
Exploring the Social-Political Nexus in Islam: A Comparison of the Middle East and Southeast Asia Fealy, Greg
Muslim Politics Review Vol. 1 No. 1 (2022)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56529/mpr.v1i1.52

Abstract

One of the fulcrums of change in political Islam is the relationship between traditional patterns of Islamic politics, which focus upon the pursuit and wielding of formal power, particularly with the aim of enacting of shari’a law, and the more recent emergence of dynamic social spheres of Islamic activism, which emphasise values and moral order and operate with considerable autonomy from Islamic parties. This article explores the nature of the interactions between political and social activism and identifies the ways in which more established form of political Islam are changing as a result of pressure from the social realm.  It compares case studies from the Middle East and Southeast Asia, paying particular attention to Muslim Brotherhood and Salafist expressions of social and political activism in both regions.  It argues that burgeoning pietistic social activism presents both challenges and opportunities to Islamic political actors, and that failure to engage with these new forces will lead to further marginalisation and the risk of declining relevance.
"Hearts, Hands and Heads": Exploring the Relationship Between Disengagement and Deradicalization Through Counter Violent Extremism Project Implementation in Indonesia Brailey, Malcolm; Ismail, Noor Huda; Amir, Iwan
Muslim Politics Review Vol. 2 No. 1 (2023)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56529/mpr.v2i1.140

Abstract

Terrorism experts continue to debate how and why people become radicalised and commit violence. Significantly less emphasis and coherence of thought has been deployed to understand those processes in reverse. From the perspective of counterterrorism practitioners within both government and civil society, the question has tended to bifurcate around two contrasting conceptual approaches: should the focus be on ‘deradicalization’ (an internal or philosophical outcome seeking change in beliefs, values and attitudes) or ‘disengagement’ (a social or temporal outcome seeking change in behaviours away from violence)? This article seeks to contribute to the debate about how disengagement functions and stands as a practical and effective counterterrorism methodology, and is based on detailed analysis of field work and project implementation in Indonesia. This article and the methodologies implemented and tested are grounded in previous research on disengagement of Indonesian jihadists and countering violent extremism (CVE) projects conducted by several of the authors over many years, and extends and codifies the findings of a valuable body of earlier academic literature. The authors argue that a disengagement process grounded in the social methodology of personal mentoring (defined infra this paper by a process we have called ‘Hearts, Hands and Heads’) can achieve a measurable and meaningful change in how individuals withdraw from violent extremist networks. This article will further show why disengagement programs in Indonesia should prioritise targeting specific at-risk groups, including returned foreign fighters, who have been known to conduct terrorist activities in Indonesia as well as advocate for their cause and recruit more effectively than those that have never been to Syria or other conflict zones. With the proper implementation, disengagement can be an effective preventive tool in Indonesia in addition to preparing the groundwork for later, more formal deradicalization processes and programs.
The Impact of Non-Violent Muslim Extremism: Reflections on Indonesia and Malaysia Saat, Norshahril
Muslim Politics Review Vol. 2 No. 1 (2023)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56529/mpr.v2i1.141

Abstract

Numerous pieces of research have addressed the issue of terrorism and radicalism in Southeast Asia, and security studies are inundated with works covering its origin, function, and impact. However, this article argues that equal attention should be given to non-violent extremism and its impact on societies at the discursive level. By examining case studies from Indonesia and Malaysia, two Muslim-majority nations, this article contends that the question is not whether non-violent extremism directly or indirectly leads to terrorism, but how it can also shape policies and regulations through lobbying, trigger mass political mobilization, and nurture intolerance and hatred towards minority groups.
Social Media as a Space for Islamophobia: COVID and Social-Environment Crisis Management Chakraborty, Swati
Muslim Politics Review Vol. 2 No. 1 (2023)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56529/mpr.v2i1.142

Abstract

The COVID-19 pandemic has exposed an emergency of prejudice and savagery via social media by traditional ‘patriots’ in India. Meta, Twitter, and Instagram have turned into digital spaces full of deception about the pandemic. Hindu Instagram accounts such as @Hindu_secrets and @Hindu_he_hum have been unwavering and dedicated in spreading Islamophobic crusades by utilizing the COVID-19 pandemic. This has opened doors for hatred directed at Muslim people in India. This study situates itself inside the system of Stuart Hall's encoding and translating hypothesis to reveal the visual and printed codes used to make shameful and obtrusive generalizations that dehumanize and slander specific networks utilizing social media platforms. This is an explorative request that took part through a semiotic examination of the Instagram accounts of @Hindu_secrets and @Hindu_he_hum. The review tracked down encoded generalizations of danger in the utilization of variety, strict designs, garments, and other actual markers of social character in producing Islamophobic content. COVID-19 was depicted to as having Islamic parentage in the images; consequently, it depicted the Muslim people group as sustaining and deliberately spreading the infection across India and abroad.
Precarious Coexistence in Maluku: Fear and Trauma in Post-Conflict Christian-Muslim Relations Riyanto, Geger
Muslim Politics Review Vol. 2 No. 1 (2023)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56529/mpr.v2i1.143

Abstract

This paper examines the precarious coexistence between Muslims and Christians in post- conflict Maluku, Indonesia. The lasting effects of brutal conflict have left fear and trauma as the dominant emotions in the relationships of local residents. While these emotions are commonly seen as hindrances to peace by scholars and non-scholars alike, in post-conflict societies, they are inescapable and deeply ingrained. Nevertheless, they not only drive division, but also the desire to maintain peace. In Maluku, both Christians and Muslims are bound by the shared understanding that their current peaceful coexistence is delicate, and they must be cautious in their interactions with people of different religions, despite ongoing animosity and mistrust. This ongoing reality in Maluku calls for a reassessment of the normative tendency in peace discourses, which expect peace to be either ideal or impaired and tend not to be contextual in evaluating peace. To understand post-conflict coexistence better, we need to comprehend how emotions towards other groups operate in the emerging social settings.
How Do Economic Conditions Influence Support for Democracy? Amri, Puspa D.
Muslim Politics Review Vol. 2 No. 1 (2023)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56529/mpr.v2i1.144

Abstract

Abundant political economy work has found that societies tend to be less supportive of the political system that governs their country when the economy deteriorates. This paper seeks to enrich the existing literature on economic and democratic assessments by including the relatively under-explored group of developing countries in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, many of which are Muslim countries. Using public opinion data from the World Values Survey of 78 countries from 2005 to 2020, the author applies multi-level regressions to test whether the relationship between democratic support and economic growth varies along three dimensions: country affluence, MENA versus non-MENA regions, and type of political regime. Consistent with past studies, the findings in this paper confirm that higher real gross domestic product (GDP) per capita growth significantly enhances public support for democracy. However, it also identifies that the more robustly significant predictors of public support for democracy are political variables, particularly evaluation of government performance. The interaction variables analysis reveals that the effects of economic growth on public support for democracy is weaker in the presence of higher country affluence as well as in more liberal democracies, while being located in the MENA region strengthens the relationship between economic growth and public support for democracy. In addition, respondents who consider free and fair elections as well as protection of civil liberties to be essential features of democracy tend to be more supportive of democracy itself. Meanwhile, those who associate democracy with redistributive policies tend to have a more negative assessment of democracy.

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