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Muslim Politics Review
Published by Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia
ISSN : 28293568     EISSN : 2964979X     DOI : https://doi.org/10.56529/mpr
Core Subject : Social,
Social Sciences
Focus: The MPR focuses on the multifaceted relationships between religion and political and socio-economic development of Muslim states and societies. Scope: The MPR intends to provide an international forum for exchange of ideas between scholars and students of religion and politics in the Muslim world. Open to all disciplinary backgrounds, the MPR invites submission of research articles that make theoretical and empirical contribution to the advancement of political and socio-economic development of Muslim states and societies and their relationship with the global society.
Arjuna Subject : Ilmu Sosial - Sosiologi dan Ilmu Politik
Articles 71 Documents
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When Piety is Framed as Threatening: The Hijrah Movement within the Politics of Religious Moderation in Indonesia Fansuri, Hamzah
Muslim Politics Review Vol. 4 No. 2 (2025)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56529/mpr.v4i2.511

Abstract

This article investigates how the hijrah movement in Indonesia – characterized by a return to Islamic pious practices, lifestyle changes, and global Muslim identity – is increasingly constructed as a security threat within Indonesia’s religious moderation agenda. Drawing on discourse analysis of state narratives, media portrayals, field research, and statements from mainstream Islamic organizations, the study finds that hijrah is framed not merely as a cultural or spiritual trend but as a potential conduit for ideological deviation and radicalization. Focusing on local responses in urban centers such as Jakarta and Bandung, it examines how the movement and its participants are positioned against state-sanctioned visions of moderate Islam. Using securitization theory and grounded Foucauldian analysis, the article argues that the state's discursive alignment of hijrah with extremism enables soft repression and delegitimization of non-violent yet non-conforming Islamic expressions. This securitizing logic risks narrowing Indonesia’s religious pluralism by stigmatizing identity-based piety, thereby undermining the very goals of tolerance and harmony that moderation policies claim to promote.
When Religious Conservatism Intertwines with Anti-Scientism: Friday Prayers in the Time of Corona in Semarang, Indonesia Wijayanto, Wijayanto; Adnan, Muhammad; Iannone, Aniello; Pribadi, Yanwar
Muslim Politics Review Vol. 4 No. 2 (2025)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56529/mpr.v4i2.512

Abstract

This article discusses the implementation of Friday prayers during the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic in Indonesia. It focuses on why Islamic preachers, mosque administrators, and religious leaders (ʿulamā) continued to hold congregational prayers despite appeals and even prohibition from the government, scientists, and Islamic organizations. By examining the contents of 67 Friday prayers’ sermons from 67 mosques in Semarang, Central Java, in-depth interviews with ʿulamāʾ, and journalistic reports, we argue that, firstly, a growing trend of religious conservatism influenced the reasons behind the performance of Friday prayers. Secondly, most Islamic preachers, mosque administrators, and religious leaders ignored scientists’ advice on appropriate COVID-19 health protocols. Finally, there was a sense of bewilderment at mosques, caused by poor communication and ambiguous messages from the government and Islamic mass organizations. All in all, these strong religious factors reflect the rapid growth of conservative forms of Islam in post-New Order Indonesia.
China's Soft Power in Indonesia: Eliminating the Remnants of Suharto’s US-Backed Anti-Communist Propaganda Nurcholis, Ahmad
Muslim Politics Review Vol. 4 No. 2 (2025)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56529/mpr.v4i2.513

Abstract

The paper examines the extent to which China's ‘soft power’ in Indonesia is effective in reducing negative perceptions of the anti-communist propaganda launched by the United States-backed Suharto regime during the Cold War. Using theoretical framework proposed by Joseph S. Nye and relevant theories from Joshua Kurlantzick, the study finds that China's soft power performance in Indonesia is significant. After years of harboring a negative image due to anti-communist campaigns, a new, friendlier image of China is emerging. This transformation is reflected by a 2025 Pew Research Center survey, which shows show that 65 percent of Indonesians have a positive perception of China. There are several dimensions of soft power I discuss in this paper, ranging from educational diplomacy such as providing scholarships for Indonesian students; religious diplomacy or ‘Islamic diplomacy’ with through Indonesia’s two largest religious organizations, Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah; and the establishment of Confucius Institutes on university campuses. These components were preceded by vigorous economic diplomacy by China, particularly during the Joko Widodo presidency (2014-2024), and were later reinforced by expanding Chinese digital diplomacy, which takes the form of entertainment and gaming platforms for young people, further distancing China from being perceived as a threat. Overall, this demonstrates how China’s soft power efforts have helped to mitigate the lingering negative perceptions of China linked to the Indonesian Communist Party of the mid-twentieth century.
The Ethics of Karbala: Myths, Modernity, and Virtues of Nobility Syeda Dur e Nayab Haider
Muslim Politics Review Vol. 5 No. 1 (2026)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56529/mpr.v5i1.490

Abstract

The Ethics of Karbala: Myths, Modernity, and Virtues of Nobility by Cyrus Ali Zargar is an intellectually rich and deeply moving thinking on the way the memory of the Battle of Karbala is still shaping Islamic ethical consciousness. Published in 2024, the book is one of the exemplars of the new generation of interdisciplinary Islamic studies that integrate traditional Islamic scholasticism, modern philosophy, literary criticism, and theology. Although the battle of Karbala is among the most passionately observed and emotionally charged events in the history of Islam, the book of Zargar does not just do that; he puts the story not merely as a historical tragedy, or a matter of theological argument, but as a source of ethics, as an element of life. It encourages the reader to consider virtue as a tradition, not something abstracts as a goal but practiced in the body to be aroused by recollection, ritual, poetry, and politics.
Recognition or Misrecognition? Investigating State Recognition, Structural Discrimination and the Struggle of Sunda Wiwitan in Indonesia Rakhmat Hidayat
Muslim Politics Review Vol. 5 No. 1 (2026)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56529/mpr.v5i1.568

Abstract

This paper investigates the politics behind recognition of freedom of religion or belief (FoRB) in Indonesia by examining the lived experiences of the indigenous Sunda Wiwitan community. The study highlights a persistent contradiction between constitutional guarantees of religious freedom and the continuing dominance of state-recognized religions within Indonesia’s legal and administrative systems. As a result, indigenous belief communities continue to face structural obstacles in accessing civil rights, education, religious services, and equal citizenship. These conditions demonstrate that FoRB is not solely an issue of individual rights violations, but also a broader problem of institutional recognition embedded in state regulations, public policies, and everyday social relations. This paper employs Nancy Fraser’s theoretical framework by emphasizing the concepts of misrecognition and maldistribution to examine the structural inequalities experienced by indigenous believers. The study analyzes how indigenous belief communities, particularly followers of Sunda Wiwitan, face not only cultural and institutional denial of equal status, but also unequal access to civil rights, public services, and social participation. Through this perspective, exclusion is understood as both a symbolic and material form of injustice embedded within state and societal structures. Using a qualitative ethnographic approach, this research is based on long-term fieldwork conducted from 2017 to 2024 in several Sunda Wiwitan communities in West Java through participant observation, in-depth interviews, and document analysis. The findings reveal that FoRB in Indonesia remains strongly influenced by an “official religion paradigm,” limiting substantive equality and social inclusion despite a key 2017 Constitutional Court ruling acknowledging indigenous beliefs.
Interreligious Marriage in Indonesia: Institutional Competition, Religious Monopolies, and the Dynamics of a Regulated Religious Economy Muhammad Afdillah
Muslim Politics Review Vol. 5 No. 1 (2026)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56529/mpr.v5i1.569

Abstract

This article examines interreligious marriage (IRM) in Indonesia as a politically contested arena within a regulated religious economy, where religious institutions, state agencies, courts, and intermediaries compete and collaborate to control access to marital legitimacy. Rather than treating IRM as a marginal anomaly or purely doctrinal issue, the study conceptualizes it as a structured site of negotiation shaped by legal pluralism, institutional competition, and political interests. Drawing on religious economy theory, Griffiths’ distinction between normative and empirical legal pluralism, and Bourdieu’s concept of the juridical field, the article analyzes how authority over marriage is distributed and contested across overlapping institutions. Empirically, the study is based on qualitative fieldwork conducted between 2022 and 2025 in Jakarta, Surabaya, and Biak, combining interviews with interreligious couples and institutional actors with legal and policy analysis. The findings highlight that Indonesia’s marriage regime operates as a state-supported religious monopoly restricting supply, generating alternative pathways, and producing adaptive strategies such as conversion, dual rituals, customary marriage, and court registration. The issuance of Supreme Court Circular (SEMA) No. 2/2023 marks a significant shift, closing judicial avenues and reinforcing religious authority. Interreligious marriage thus provides a critical lens for understanding the intersection of law, religion, and politics in contemporary Indonesia.
Nested Dependency: President Joko Widodo’s Politics Strategy in Coopting Nahdlatul Ulama, 2014-2024 Faiz Ali Ba'agil; Achmad Ubaedillah; Savran Billahi
Muslim Politics Review Vol. 5 No. 1 (2026)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56529/mpr.v5i1.570

Abstract

This article analyzes Joko Widodo (Jokowi)’s systematic strategy to incorporate Nahdlatul Ulama (NU)—Indonesia’s largest Islamic organization—into his efforts to ensure the stability of his presidency (2014–2024). Using Johannes Gerschewski’s three-pillar framework of autocratic stability—legitimation, repression, and co-optation—adapted to Indonesia’s democratic backsliding, this qualitative case study combines critical discourse analysis of presidential speeches and NU documents, process tracing of key political events, and interviews with two key informants familiar with NU–state relations. The findings identify three interconnected mechanisms. First, Jokowi used NU as a source of legitimacy by securing its institutional endorsement and framing NU as the embodiment of “moderate Islam,” encouraging grassroots political passivity. Second, NU functioned as a tool of symbolic repression against opposition Islamic groups—FPI, HTI, and the 212 movement—through the reinforcement of the moderate–radical dichotomy, delegitimizing dissent without direct coercion. Third, Jokowi co-opted NU elites through political appointments and economic enticements—including a 26,000-hectare coal mining concession and intervention in NU’s 2021 leadership contest—creating what this study terms “nested dependency,” a multilayered form of dependence linking elite, organizational, and grassroots levels. However, interview findings reveal that this dependency was temporally limited by presidential incumbency. As an institutionally pragmatic rather than patron-dependent organization, NU shifted its alignment toward President Prabowo after Jokowi’s departure, confirming that NU ultimately follows the presidency as an institution rather than any individual patron. This study contributes to debates on democratic backsliding and state–civil society relations in Southeast Asia.
“One Human Family” and Interfaith Greetings: President Prabowo’s Islamic Normativity vis a vis the Indonesia Ulema Council (MUI) Edict Ryan Bianda
Muslim Politics Review Vol. 5 No. 1 (2026)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56529/mpr.v5i1.571

Abstract

This article examines how Islamic normativity is constructed and contested through interfaith greetings in President Prabowo Subianto’s address at the United Nations General Assembly and the 2024 Indonesian Ulema Council edict (fatwa) on relations with followers of other religions. Rather than treating interfaith greetings merely as polite formulas or as a simple halal-haram issue, the article analyzes them as symbolic practices located between state diplomacy and Islamic legal authority. Using a qualitative interpretive case-study design and directed qualitative content analysis, the study examines the official transcript of the presidential speech and the full text of the fatwa through four analytical categories: normative construction, rhetorical-diplomatic function, fatwa reasoning, and patterns of convergence and divergence. The findings show that Prabowo’s interfaith greetings and “one human family” rhetoric function as diplomatic speech acts that present Indonesia as a plural Muslim-majority state committed to peace, recognition, and global fraternity. By contrast, the fatwa constructs certain interfaith greetings as potentially devotional utterances that require legal-theological evaluation to protect Islamic monotheism (tawḥīd), worship boundaries, and confessional clarity. Together, the two texts reveal a dual-track configuration of Islamic normativity in which state diplomacy and fatwa authority share an ethical horizon of coexistence but diverge on the permissible symbolic forms of interreligious engagement.
Pluriversal Politics and Transnational Regional Localization: Alternative Developments in World Societies Ananta Kumar Giri
Muslim Politics Review Vol. 5 No. 1 (2026)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56529/mpr.v5i1.572

Abstract

This article explores pluriversal politics as an alternative in contemporary politics and international relations which can help us understand contemporary Muslim societies and their challenges. The article explores the dynamics of transnational regional localization, where processes of localization, regionalization, and trans-nationalization meet in complex, creative, and emergent ways. Here, it examines the work of the Spirit of Bandung, the Association of Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN), and Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa (BRICS), and calls for understanding emergent multi-alignment and multiplexity in our world, going beyond declining unipolarity and multipolarity. The article then discusses how contemporary world society calls for dialogues among religions, civilizations, cultures and civilizations to go beyond the contemporary logic and practice of domination and one-sided assertion. It brings the vision and practices of inter-religious and trans-civilizational dialogues to the discourse of pluriversal politics, international relations, world system studies and the multi-dimensional visions and practices of Muslim politics in our contemporary world. It also argues how regional and global formations such as ASEAN and BRICS need to focus more on inter-religious and trans-civilizational dialogues.
When the Walls Come Down: Indonesian-Sino-Vietnamese Normalization and the End of the Asian Cold War Dan McCoy
Muslim Politics Review Vol. 5 No. 1 (2026)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56529/mpr.v5i1.573

Abstract

How did the Cold War conclude in the Asia Pacific? The European Cold War ended via a groundswell of social, political, and cultural movements concurrent with high-level U.S.-Soviet summits during the 1980s and early 1990s. By comparison, Asia terminated its Cold War in a more muted fashion. The Asian Cold War ended primarily through monumental maneuvers in the international political arena by surmounting ideological schisms, security dilemmas, and incongruous economic systems. Sino-Indonesian normalization came to fruition in August 1990, ending a 23 year-long freeze in relations. China and Vietnam fully restored bilateral relations in November 1991. The restoration of relations between Indonesia, Vietnam, and China pivoted the Asia Pacific away from Cold War-era confrontation toward progressively cooperative multilateralism at the dawn of the post-Cold War. Shifting structural mechanisms and power politics reshaped Indonesian-Sino-Vietnamese relations as the triumvirate addressed long-standing hostilities to reach meaningful economic, political, and security cooperation to anticipate the post-Cold War international order. The trio’s myriad diplomatic interactions during the late 1980s and early 1990s fused national interests with a mutual aspiration toward heightened regional autonomy, as regional actors asserted themselves more boldly amid a rapid recomposition of the Asia Pacific chessboard. The impact of the trilateral rapprochement reverberates into the present security and political configuration of the region.

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