Journal of Indonesian Islam
Journal of Indonesian Islam (JIIS) publishes articles on Indonesian Islam from various perspectives, covering both literary and fieldwork studies. The journal puts emphasis on aspects related to Islamic studies in an Indonesian context, with special reference to culture, politics, law, society, economics, history, and doctrines. Journal of Indonesian Islam always places Indonesian Islam in the central focus of academic inquiry, and invites any comprehensive observation of Islamic expressions with various dimensions in the country. The journal, serving as a forum for the study of Indonesian Islam, supports focused studies of particular themes and interdisciplinary studies in relation to the subject. It has become a medium of exchange of ideas and research findings from various traditions of learning that have interacted in the scholarly manner.
Articles
222 Documents
<![CDATA[TRADITIONAL ISLAM IN JAVANESE SOCIETY: The Roles of Kyai and Pesantren in Preserving Islamic Tradition and Negotiating Modernity ]]>
<![CDATA[ JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN ISLAM Vol 6, No 1 (2012) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[State Islamic University (UIN) of Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/JIIS.2012.6.1.125-144
<![CDATA[The debate on the notion of identity of the traditional Islam in the Javanese society is often related to pesantren and kyai. These are the sub-cultural entities that have contributed to the shaping and building the identity of the Javanese Muslims. This paper explores the following key issues: (1) In what ways the collective identity of the Javanese Muslims is constructed in such a multicultural society? (2) What are the roles of the pesantren and kyais in such a process. The paper argues that the pesantren communities perceive themselves as the defending power of traditional Islam, the fact that would imply logically that there is a sort of cultural confrontation between the traditionalists and the modernists. The paper will delve into this polarity in the context of the role of pesantren and kyai and how these sub-cultural entities negotiate both with the opposing sub-culture –the modernist that is- and with modernity.]]>
<![CDATA[Contested Authorities in the Haul of Sheikh Jumadil Kubro in Tralaya ]]>
<![CDATA[ JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN ISLAM Vol 15, No 2 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[State Islamic University (UIN) of Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/JIIS.2021.15.2.409-432
<![CDATA[This study investigates the dynamics of the haul ceremony of Sheikh Jumadil Kubro in Tralaya, Mojokerto, East Java which is contested between KH Ismail’s family and the cultural figures supported by the local government. Using a qualitative research approach this study found that the haul ritual of Sheikh Jumadil kubro in Tralaya was held in two different versions, that is, Ismail's family carried out their haul ceremony called jam’ul jawami’, meanwhile Wulung as a figure of Sentonorejo Village initiated the haul ceremony of Sheikh Jumadil Kubro in the form of kirab budaya. This different ceremonial practice of haul leads to theological conflict. The house of Ismail accused Wulung and the administration of Sentonorejo Village of having made an innovation in religious practices (bid’ah) in the sense that kirab budaya was not taught by Sheikh Jumadil Kubro. Meanwhile, Wulung was convinced that the idea of kirab budaya incorporated within the haul ceremony of Sheikh Jumadil Kubro intended to preserve the Majapahit culture that is suitable with Sheikh Jumadil Kubro's religious teachings. However, although the contest between two actors of the haul ceremony was inevitable, they were able to meet and share in terms of economic interest.]]>
<![CDATA[RELIGION AND LOCAL POLITICS: Exploring the Subcultures and the Political Participation of East Java NU Elites in the Post-New Order Era ]]>
<![CDATA[ JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN ISLAM Vol 4, No 1 (2010) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[State Islamic University (UIN) of Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/JIIS.2010.4.1.109-150
<![CDATA[The history of the involvement of NU in politics cannot be separated from the elites of this organization in East Java. The variety of cultures that flourishes in the province strongly influences the nature and characteristics of the NU elites. This paper is an attempt to deal with the relationship between those subcultures and political participation. It focuses only on five subcultures, Mataraman, coastal areas, Arek, Madurese, and Pendalungan. The NU kiais are perceived by their followers to have played double roles as religious leaders (dealing with spiritual aspects) and community leaders (relating to socio-political aspects). Locality and its growing culture become a key factor. Locality makes a contribution to the growth of understanding about politics. Mataraman NU elites always keep their relationship with formal religious issues, and there is a tendency among them to separate religion from politics. In contrast, Madura, Pendalungan, Pesisiran (north coast), and Arek areas tend to combine religion and politics.]]>
<![CDATA[BEING CHRISTIANS IN THE ACEHNESE WAY: Illiberal Citizenship and Women’s Agency in the Islamic Public Sphere ]]>
<![CDATA[ JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN ISLAM Vol 14, No 1 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[State Islamic University (UIN) of Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/JIIS.2020.14.1.77-112
<![CDATA[This article examines the ways in which Acehnese Christian women’s identities expressed in the Islamic public sphere. The article argues that although theoretically Islamic Shari'a only applies to Muslims, its implementation in Aceh has a significant impact on the daily life of Christian women. The first part of the article presents a critical review regarding the Islamic sharia in Aceh dealing with the discourse of citizenship and the position of non-Muslim. Furthermore, drawing on agency theoretical frameworks, the authors describe the experiences of Christian women from diverse backgrounds to show how they became Christians in the Acehnese way. The article finally shows that Christian women's agencies as a minority in Aceh face a critical situation, although they remain independent and are not easily subdued by public sphere driven by the values and religious identities of the majority.]]>
<![CDATA[THE GENEALOGY OF MUSLIM RADICALISM IN INDONESIA: A Study of the Roots and Characteristics of the Padri Movement ]]>
<![CDATA[ JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN ISLAM Vol 2, No 2 (2008) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[State Islamic University (UIN) of Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/JIIS.2008.2.2.267-299
<![CDATA[This paper will trace the roots of religious radicalism in Indonesia with the Padri movement as the case in point. It argues that the history of the Padri movement is complex and multifaceted. Nevertheless, it seems to be clear that the Padri movement was in many ways a reincarnation of its counterpart in the Arabian Peninsula, the Wahhabi movement, even though it was not a perfect replica of the latter. While the two shared some similarities, they were also quite different in other respects. The historical passage of the Padris was therefore not the same as that of the Wahhabis. Each movement had its own dimensions and peculiarities according to its particular context and setting. Despite these differences, both were united by the same objective; they were radical in their determination to establish what they considered the purest version of Islam, and both manipulated religious symbols in pursuit of their political agendas.]]>
<![CDATA[TOWARDS A RELIGIOUSLY HYBRID IDENTITY? The Changing Face of Javanese Islam ]]>
<![CDATA[ JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN ISLAM Vol 12, No 1 (2018) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[State Islamic University (UIN) of Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/JIIS.2018.12.1.45-68
<![CDATA[This article seeks to revisit the discussion of Javanese Islam from an alternative point of view. It argues that the presentation of Javanese Islam in the previous studies is no longer adequate to accommodate the most current transformation of Javanese Islam. The identity of Javanese Islam can neither be seen from syncretic point of view nor normative perspective per se, since the identity of Javanese Islam has transformed itself into something different from the past. Becoming an abangan or santri in the post-Geertz era, represents the making of a religiously hybrid identity. In the context of Geertz, to become an abangan means he/she cannot become a santri at once. At that time, a pure and puritan abangan, was hardly a practicing Muslim, but nominal Muslim. Becoming a santri, on the other hand, had to be done by disentangling any type of identity in kejawen sense. Javanese Islam has to do with whatever-you-like mentality that forms a hybrid identity among the Javanese Muslims.]]>
<![CDATA[الديمقراطية بإندونيسيا ]]>
<![CDATA[ JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN ISLAM Vol 4, No 2 (2010) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[State Islamic University (UIN) of Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/JIIS.2010.4.2.413-437
<![CDATA[Democratic system has been implemented in Indonesia for more than ten years. There is no doubt in the success of the implementation of this democracy. However, in fact, the democracy reaches the phase of transition and is in the way of improvement through the democratization of the systems and the rule of law and ethics. This paper deals with this transition processes for maintaining the system and rule of law. The Constitutional Court as a judicial body is independent and autonomous to control laws and regulations. A neutral foreign policy plays a great importance to the increasing role of Indonesia within the ASEAN and the Organization of Islamic Conference. Indonesia has refused to enter into military alliances with other countries, allowing no military bases on its territory, and upholds the principles of peace, stability and democracy at the regional and international levels. The democratization is now challenged by corruption which prevails all over the country and unrest which may happen because of poverty and injustice acts.]]>
<![CDATA[THE MAJLIS DHIKR OF INDONESIA: Exposition of Some Aspects of Ritual Practices ]]>
<![CDATA[ JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN ISLAM Vol 3, No 1 (2009) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[State Islamic University (UIN) of Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/JIIS.2009.3.1.122-147
<![CDATA[This study will explore the extent to which Indonesian Majlis Dhikr groups interpret and respond theologically certain aspects of their ritual practices. Several topics discussed in this paper wish to answer whether or not the belief and ritual of Majlis Dhikr are relevant to the normative dimension of Islamic teachings and Islamic Sufi practices. This research reveals that some aspects of Sufi practices have been adopted by Majlis Dhikrthe groups in their main ritual practices have a strong basis in the practices of the Prophet and Sufi masters. I argue that what they have practised actually cannot be regarded as the violation of Islamic teachings as has been frequently accused by other groups of Muslims. Some aspects of Sufi practices and concepts adopted by Majlis Dhikr group include the reciting of salawat, the concepts of sainthood (wali) and miracle (karamah), tawassul, sending the merit of pious deeds to deceased persons, and the concept of tabarruk.]]>
<![CDATA[ISLAM, ISLAMISM, THE NATION, AND THE EARLY INDONESIAN NATIONALIST MOVEMENT ]]>
<![CDATA[ JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN ISLAM Vol 1, No 2 (2007) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[State Islamic University (UIN) of Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/JIIS.2007.1.2.231-266
<![CDATA[In an attempt to understand better the failure of Islamism to exercise any significant impact on the trajectory of Indonesian politics through the twentieth century, this article examines the development of Indonesian Islamist thought in the early twentieth century and compares it to the growth of secularist nationalist thinking. Islamist thinking was slow to arrive at a consciousness of Indonesia as specific national place and homeland. By the time Islamist thinkers had begun to develop a clearer sense of their own political project, secular nationalist thinkers (often indifferent to and sometimes fiercely opposed to Islamic and Islamist ideas about the relationship of state to religion) had already established the unassailable primacy of the idea of Indonesia as an independent sovereign state-in-the-making and as the vehicle for Indonesians to become both modern and prosperous. Islamists thereafter had no option but to seek to accommodate their thinking to the dominant paradigm of the idea of Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[تربيـة المســاواة الجندرية بين الجنسين بالجـامعـة الإسلامية ]]>
<![CDATA[ JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN ISLAM Vol 4, No 1 (2010) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[State Islamic University (UIN) of Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/JIIS.2010.4.1.176-195
<![CDATA[There are two definitions of gender equality. The first is according to United Nation Development Program and the second is in line with of Islamic view. The difference between its definitions lies in the implementation of total and balance equality. Total equality, as UNDP determiÂnes, is that woman and man are totally equal (50/50) in all aspects. But Islamic view suggests that both women and man are equal with harmony. The meaning of harmony does not just equality for woman and man in all aspects but also refer to difference between them. Sometimes woman have better chance than man, an in other times the fact suggests the reverse. But still other, woman and man have same good chance. To socialize this thinking and Islamic view, education hold an important role. Socialization can run in Islamic education institution. One of the Islamic education institutions is Islamic university.]]>
