Journal of International Relations Studies
Journal of International Relations seeks original manuscripts that provide theoretically informed empirical analyses of issues in international relations, as well as original theoretical or conceptual analyses. The journal represents no particular school or approach, nor is it restricted to any particular methodology. Instead, it seeks to foster an awareness of methodological and epistemological questions in the study of International Relations, and to reflect research and developments of a conceptual, normative and empirical nature in all the major sub-areas of the field.
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<![CDATA[Analisis Kebijakan Indonesia Terhadap Regulasi UNESCO Convention 2001 ]]>
<![CDATA[Wibowo, Maulana Satria]]>;
<![CDATA[Basith Dir, Andi Akhmad]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 6, Nomor 4, Tahun 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[UNESCO has been recommending the “UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage†or commonly referred to as the 2001 UNESCO Convention as a conservation procedure for Underwater Cultural Heritage (UCH) which prioritizes the protection of historical, cultural and scientific values. Through several conferences and discussions, UNESCO has always encouraged countries that have strategic sea areas to immediately ratify by considering the potential underwater relics in its territories. The Republic of Indonesia, as the biggest archipelagic country nowadays has not ratified the convention. Even though, this research argues that Indonesia does not have strong regulations and always experiences obstacles in securing Underwater Cultural Heritage these days. This research is trying to seek and solve the research question with all the existing vulnerabilities, why until now Indonesia has not ratified the 2001 UNESCO Convention. This research will identify the background factors that make Indonesia reluctant and have not taken action to ratify the convention. For the tools analyzing in this case study, this research will use Decision Making Approach by Graham T. Allison, with 2 approach models namely Rational Actor Model and Organizational Model. This study found that rational factors were the reason for Indonesia not to ratify the 2001 UNESCO Convention.]]>
<![CDATA[Perubahan Kebijakan Luar Negeri Filipina Terhadap China di Bawah Kepemimpinan Presiden Rodrigo Duterte Terhadap China dalam Konflik Laut China Selatan ]]>
<![CDATA[Damping, Gerald]]>;
<![CDATA[Windiani, Reni]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 6, Nomor 4, Tahun 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[The South China Sea (SCS) issue is a contest of territorial disputes between disputed countries. The Philippines, as one of the countries with an interest in the region, has seen a change in the direction of its foreign policy in dealing with the issue. The current President of the Philippines, Rodrigo Duterte, changed the direction of the Philippines' foreign policy toward China from previously confrontational, to cooperative with China. In this study, these foreign policy changes were analyzed by internal and external factors that made the Philippines have only two (2) options, to submit or to oppose. The concept used in this study is to use the concept of political realism initiated by Thucydides that a strong inclined party can act whatever they want and the weak-leaning party will suffer consequences for the party that tends to be strong and also use internal and external concepts. The type of research used is by qualitative explanative methods with data collection techniques using primary data and secondary data. The results of the study obtained are that there are internal factors such as Rodrigo Duterte's role as President, interest groups, and the Philippine Senate and external factors such as historical claims of the South China Sea region and the state of the international system affecting Philippine foreign policy. Other studies have also shown that there is a link between this change in Philippine foreign policy and the concept of political realism.]]>
<![CDATA[Pengaruh Kebijakan Bebas Visa Kunjungan Singkat Terhadap Kasus Penyelundupan Narkoba di Indonesia Tahun 2016-2018 ]]>
<![CDATA[Mukti, Rahardian Krishna]]>;
<![CDATA[Pattipeilohy, Shary Charlotte Henriette]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 6, Nomor 4, Tahun 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[The Indonesian Government has had a drug problem since the Dutch colonial era. This is a legacy that is currently still a problem in the handling, eradication and prevention of drugs in Indonesia. On the other hand, the Government of Indonesia has a Visa Free Short Visit policy for 169 countries. The policy was formed with the aim of increasing economic foreign exchange through the tourism sector. However, this policy actually has an impact on increasing the number of drug smuggling cases committed by foreign nationals in Indonesia. This study aims to explain how the effect of Visa-Free Short Visit on drug smuggling in Indonesia, using qualitative research methods with secondary data sources. In analyzing Visa-Free Short Visit, this study uses the theory of globalization and transnationalism. The theory of globalization and transnationalism will analyze and explain that the openness of the state can affect the risk of state security. This research ultimately reveals that the Visa Free Short Visit to 169 countries has vulnerabilities to state security such as drug smuggling problems so that this policy needs further evaluation.]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Perubahan Kebijakan Impor Skrap Plastik Indonesia Dari Negara-Negara Maju Tahun 2016-2019 ]]>
<![CDATA[Pramesti, Maghfira Raudya]]>;
<![CDATA[Wahyudi, Fendy Eko]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 6, Nomor 4, Tahun 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[Indonesia has a problem in effort to fulfill these raw materials of plastic industries, plastic scrap containers were sent back to their countries of origin and a change of plastic scrap import policies in Indonesia. The entry of plastic waste between imported plastic scrap containers is due to the impact of China which has implemented the National Sword policy. The entry of plastic waste illegally in Indonesia is not matched by proper management of plastic waste recycling system, causing accumulation and burning of plastic waste which can affect Indonesia's environment. The purpose of this study is to determine the reasons behind the changes in plastic scrap import policy made by Indonesia. Types of the research is explanative and qualitative with the literature study method. In analyzing the policy changes made by Indonesia, this study uses Environmental Security theory and Rational Actor Model theory to find out the rational reasons for Indonesia to change its plastic scrap import policy in 2019. The results of this study indicate that changes in plastic scrap import policy made by Indonesia are based on the national interest to protect Indonesia's environmental sustainability, as well as any change options have compared the profit and loss.]]>
<![CDATA[Upaya Tiongkok Dalam Mempertahankan Provinsi Xinjiang Ditengah Tekanan Internasional ]]>
<![CDATA[Purba, Ryseldha Claudya]]>;
<![CDATA[Pattipeilohy, Shary Charlotte Henriette]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 6, Nomor 4, Tahun 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[The Chinese region has a diversity of tribes and cultures that are rarely known internationally. One of them is the Uyghurs which has recently received international attention. After Xinjiang was appointed as an autonomous region of China, relations between the Chinese government and the Uyghurs deteriorated since the emergence of the nationalist movement which made the situation in Xinjiang even more insecure. These nationalist movements include terrorism, separatism, and religious extremism. The purpose of this study is to provide another perspective in looking at the Xinjiang conflict which is from the point of view of the Chinese government. This study uses qualitative methods with secondary data sources, which are then analyzed using the concepts of National Interest, Hegemony, Conflict Dynamics, and theories of Conflict Causes. The results of this research indicate that the efforts of the Chinese government in maintaining hegemony in Xinjiang province are not for religious or cultural discrimination as is known by the international world, but rather are aimed at strengthening national interest namely maintaining regional security and preventing the development of nationalist movements by establishing the establishment of a Center for Education and Training Work]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Sikap yang Diambil oleh Pemerintah Korea Selatan pada Masa Presiden Park Geun Hye Terkait dengan Isu Comfort ]]>
<![CDATA[Lalitya, Galuh Kinnari]]>;
<![CDATA[Wahyudi, Fendy Eko]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 6, Nomor 4, Tahun 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[Countries in East Asia have fluctuating relationships. Various issues cause conflict betweenthese countries and their allies such as the United States. One of the issue that remain becomea problem is historical issue related to comfort women. This problem involves South Koreaand Japan as the main actors. Often there are tensions between the two countries because ofthis issue. The comfort women issue has also caused several agreements to fail. South Koreanvictims, government, and activists continue to seek official recognition and requests from theJapanese government. Park Geun Hye, has actively criticized and pressured the JapaneseGovernment just as the previous presidents had done. However, Park changed his attitude byagreeing to the “final and irreversible†2015 Agreement on the issue of comfort women. Thisraises pros and cons among both the government and the people of South Korea itself. Thepurpose of this study was to determine what influenced Park's changes in attitude and policy.To analyze the effect of the policies taken, this study uses an international systems approachand offensive realism theory.]]>
<![CDATA[Proses Sekuritisasi Plastik di Uni Eropa: Studi Kasus Jerman, Perancis, Italia, Britania Raya, Luksemburg dan Irlandia ]]>
<![CDATA[Wijayanti, Rahayu Hana]]>;
<![CDATA[Basith Dir, Andi Akhmad]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 6, Nomor 4, Tahun 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[The use of plastic has been a complement to human life since commercial plastics were first discovered in 1833. Plastics are predicted as a ‘savior of the earth’ because it can reduce the energy use and reduce paper bags, also their versatile uses becoming one of the important factors of plastic in daily life. However, plastics are gradually becoming a ‘threat’ along with the declining popularity of plastics in the world including the European Union, as evidenced by the declining consumption and production of plastics as well as changes in public behavior in the European Union to become 'anti-plastic'. This research examines why there can be a decline in the popularity of plastics in the European Union regardless of their usefulness and the benefits that society can gain from using plastic. This research hypothesizes that those phenomenon results due to several important actors in the European Union, such as ENGO and Mass Media, Political Elite, Epistemic Community and the last is European Union Institution are constructing plastic issues as a threat. This study uses the Copenhagen Securitization Theory as an analysis knife to answer the above question. and observe sic different countries e.g Germany, France, Italy, United Kingdom, Luxembourg, and Ireland.]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Keberlangsungan Sanksi Ekonomi Uni Eropa Terhadap Rusia Yang Dianggap Menganeksasi Krimea Periode 2014-2019 ]]>
<![CDATA[Fahmi, Salma Afiqa]]>;
<![CDATA[Utomo, Tri Cahyo]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 6, Nomor 4, Tahun 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[Crimea is an area that has been led by many countries, but since 1954 Crimea was given to Ukraine. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia has been trying to take over Crimea so that it could return to Russia. This finally happened after the chaos in Ukraine appeared in 2013, which was caused by the Ukrainian leader that he would suspend talks on the Association Agreement. Utilizing the chaos, in early 2014 there was a sudden referendum in Crimea. The result of the referendum that the Crimean people’s wanted to join Russia received a lot of criticism because it was considered violating international law so it considered annexing Crimea. The European Union then imposed economic sanctions on Russia in 2014. The purpose of this study is to find out the reasons why the European Union still maintains economic sanctions even though they do not have a large impact on Russia. This research is explanative type research and is classified as qualitative research using the Congruence Analysis method through literature study. To analyze the case, the concepts of identity and norms in the theory of constructivism will be used. The results of this study indicate that the reasons behind the EU economic sanctions are still maintained because Russia has not fully implemented the Minsk Agreement and the interests of the European Union uphold their commitment to identity as an organization committed to peace. However, EU economic sanctions do not have a big impact on Russia because EU member states still depend on oil and gas from Russia, so economic sanctions are only in the form of restrictions. This needs to be further evaluated by the European Union so that sanctions can be effective and make Russia change its policy towards Crimea.]]>
<![CDATA[Peran dan Fungsi Dog Meat Free Indonesia (DMFI) dalam Menangani Kasus Perdagangan Daging Anjing di Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Maya, Herzalia]]>;
<![CDATA[Pattipeilohy, Shary Charlotte Henriette]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of International Relations Volume 6, Nomor 4, Tahun 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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<![CDATA[Indonesia has become an international spotlight due to the massive and brutal trade and consumption of dog meat in several regions in Indonesia. Therefore, Indonesian government chose to cooperate with Dog Meat Free Indonesia (DMFI) coalition which was formed of some international animal protection organizations, which are: Humane Society International, Animals Asia, and the Change for Animal Foundation. This study seeks to analyze roles and functions of DMFI and the objectives of Indonesian government in its cooperation with DMFI. Theories used in this research is theory of role and function of international organizations and the theory of neoliberal institutionalism. The role of DMFI as an international organization is as an actor, and its functions are articulation and aggregation, rule-making, information, and operation. This study, if analyzed using the theory of neoliberal institutionalism, found that Indonesia's goal of collaborating with DMFI was to get maximum results to solve the problem of the dog meat trade. In addition, DMFI can provide information to Indonesia regarding the behavior of other countries in the issue of the dog meat trade]]>
