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Journal of International Relations Studies
Published by Universitas Diponegoro
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Core Subject : Education,
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Journal of International Relations seeks original manuscripts that provide theoretically informed empirical analyses of issues in international relations, as well as original theoretical or conceptual analyses. The journal represents no particular school or approach, nor is it restricted to any particular methodology. Instead, it seeks to foster an awareness of methodological and epistemological questions in the study of International Relations, and to reflect research and developments of a conceptual, normative and empirical nature in all the major sub-areas of the field.
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Articles 15 Documents
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Search results for , issue "Volume 8, Nomor 2, Tahun 2022" : 15 Documents clear
Dampak Open-Door Policy Terhadap Peristiwa Krisis Diplomatik Tahun 2017 Hingga Keluarnya Dari OPEC Tahun 2018 Christanti, Naomi Febri; Rosyidin, Mohamad; Alfian, Muhammad Faizal
Journal of International Relations Volume 8, Nomor 2, Tahun 2022
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

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Abstract

After Sheikh Tamim was elected as Emir in Qatar in 2013, the open-door policy underwent a change. Sheikh Tamim defines open-door policy as a progressive and independent movement. Progressively, Sheikh Tamim strongly criticized the diplomatic crisis in 2017 imposed by the Gulf countries. Then independently, Sheikh Tamim decided Qatar to leave OPEC in 2018. In the Sheikh Tamim era, Qatar will carry out policies that focus on efforts to increase economic income diversification through LNG development and improve Qatar's image in the international scope after the diplomatic crisis in 2017. Furthermore, this research will try to answer the research problem regarding to, "Why did Qatar change its open-door policy in 2017-2018 during the leadership of Sheikh Tamim?". This study aims to explain how Sheikh Tamim's background, ideas and beliefs influenced the change in open-door policy and its application in the diplomatic crisis until its withdrawal from OPEC in 2018. This research uses a desk research method with an explanative type. This study uses a leader driven change framework to see how changes in foreign policy are influenced by leaders who have the authority to determine a policy.
Analisis Kepentingan Sudan dalam Pembukaan Hubungan Diplomatik dengan Israel Tahun 2020 Soeryana, Larissa Amelinda; Windiani, Reni; Paramasatya, Satwika
Journal of International Relations Volume 8, Nomor 2, Tahun 2022
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

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Abstract

Since it reached it’s Independence, for years, Sudan hasn’t only been active on sendingaids to Palestine and actively advocating Palestine’s independence on InternationalOrganizations, but also, Sudan made a regulation on boycotting Israel. At the year of2020, in all of a sudden, Sudan opened a diplomatic relation with Israel. This causedpeople to question because Sudan has been supporting Palestine for years and Israel isPalestine’s mortal enemy. This research is aiming to find the reasons behind Sudan’sdecision on opening a diplomatic relation with Israel. With the datas that are collectedfrom books and news, it’s found that not only that Sudan has been struggling domesticallysince it’s independence, but also since the separation of the North and South Sudan, it’sdomestic situation has only been going worse. In this position, Sudan’s only hope was toget help from other country, but this option is impossible to achieve because Sudan is stillin the US’s terrorist list. Based on the facts found, it can be concluded that the openingof the diplomatic relation between Sudan and Israel was based on Sudan’s rational wayof making decisions to achieve it’s national interest, which was to save and strive for it’scountry’s existance.
Upaya Kepatuhan Kerjasama Pemerintah Indonesia dengan Wildlife Conservation Society terhadap CITES terkait Isu Perdagangan Ilegal Trenggiling di Indonesia Wibowo, Beatrix Franscya Egidia Saraswati; Susiatiningsih, Hermini; Paramasatya, Satwika
Journal of International Relations Volume 8, Nomor 2, Tahun 2022
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

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Abstract

The illegal trade in pangolins that occurs in Indonesia is one of the environmental issues that is a concern for the Government of Indonesia. This issue has a very high level of urgency where the pangolin population is decreasing due to the high number of illegal pangolin trades that occur in Indonesia. Seeing this, the Government of Indonesia is collaborating with one of the international non-governmental organizations, namely the Wildlife Conservation Society (WCS). The collaboration started in 2009 and is based on an international regime, namely CITES. Through this collaboration, the Government of Indonesia and WCS have produced various implementations in the form of various work programs in accordance with the CITES Pangolin Resolution 17.10 policy. The purpose of this study is to analyze the implementation and compliance of the cooperation between the Government of Indonesia and WCS on CITES related to the issue of illegal trade in pangolins in Indonesia. This study will use Compliance Theory, Institutionalism Neoliberalism Theory, and International Regime Concepts. Based on the research conducted, the main argument of the author is that the cooperation between the Government of Indonesia and WCS complies with CITES. This form of compliance is demonstrated by the implementation and implementation of various work programs in accordance with the mandates in CITES Pangolin Resolution 17.10.
Analisis Determinan AS Dalam Penggunaan PMC Pada Perang Irak tahun 2003 Dhiaulhaq, Yusuf; Windiani, Reni; Alfian, Muhammad Faizal
Journal of International Relations Volume 8, Nomor 2, Tahun 2022
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

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Abstract

The phenomenon of the Iraq war in 2003 has given the impression of a major armed conflict between the United States and Iraq. What needs to be considered in this war is the involvement of private military companies (PMC) in the war. The US also used PMC services after the Iraq war ended where Iraq's internal conditions at that time were very unsafe and needed security guard. The United States uses PMC which provides various military services ranging from the distribution of weapons, exchange of war technology, provision of military forces, intelligence assistance, and so on. Therefore, this study seeks to explain the reasons and considerations when US decided to use PMC before and after the war by using the theory of determinants of foreign policy made by Alex Mintz. In this study, the authors collect data through books, journals, and websites related to the cases studied, namely the use of PMC by the US in Iraq. This study will explain the involvement of PMC in Iraq War, and the analysis from the determinants. The results obtained are several determinants of foreign policy that have a major influence on the US decision to use PMC in the conflict.
Perang Teknologi Amerika Serikat vs Tiongkok: Kebijakan Penolakan Teknologi 5G Huawei Tiongkok oleh Amerika Serikat Arinanda, Bayuaji Pradipta; Windiani, Reni; Paramasatya, Satwika
Journal of International Relations Volume 8, Nomor 2, Tahun 2022
Publisher : International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Diponegoro

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Abstract

The technology war between the United States and China is a struggle for dominance in core global technology, one of which is the 5G Internet Network. This has resulted in an escalation of conflict between the United States as a great power and China due to China's policy of rejecting Huawei's 5G internet technology. Therefore, this study aims to determine the factors and explain the reasons for the United States Government's rejection of China's 5G Huawei technology, and to find out how the United States' strategy is in China's hegemony efforts in the economic aspect with global technological mastery. The theory used by the author to analyze this research is the theory of offensive realism by using five assumptions according to Mearsheimer. The result of this study is that the United States as a Great Power wants to aggressively dominate China through Huawei's 5G Internet rejection policy. This is because the United States can increase its power over the control of 5G Internet Technology and strengthen China's economy, as well as ensure the strengthening of the United States' capability in the distribution of power in the international structure

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