cover
Contact Name
Mochammad Faisal Karim
Contact Email
mkarim@binus.edu
Phone
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Journal Mail Official
jas@binus.edu
Editorial Address
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Location
Kota adm. jakarta barat,
Dki jakarta
INDONESIA
JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies)
ISSN : 23381361     EISSN : 23381353     DOI : https://doi.org/10.21512/jas
Core Subject : Social,
The Journal of ASEAN Studies (JAS) is a peer-reviewed bi-annual journal that enriches understanding of the past, current, and future issues relevant to ASEAN and its circle of issues. The article shall address any research on theoretical and empirical questions about ASEAN. The Topics addressed within the journal include: diplomacy, political economy, trade, national development, security, geopolitics, social change, transnational movement, environment, law, business and industry, and other various related sub-fields. JAS expects the articles encourage debate, controversy, new understanding, solid theory, and reflection on ASEAN. The articles sent should have a sharp analysis and rigorous methodologies quantitative or qualitative as well as written in an engaging and analytical style. The JAS does publish original research, reviewing research, book review, opinion pieces of current affairs. However JAS does not publish journalistic or investigative style of article. The JAS would not be responsible for any implied or written statements of articles published. Each author would be responsible for their own writing.
Articles 259 Documents
Regional Maritime Cooperation in Maintaining Maritime Security and Stability: A Test Case for ASEAN Unity and Centrality Angel Damayanti
JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol. 5 No. 2 (2017): Journal of ASEAN Studies
Publisher : Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21512/jas.v5i2.1888

Abstract

Southeast and East Asia region has emerged as a global strategic maritime. Yet, maritime in the region remains vulnerable with overlapping claims on sea borders, piracy attacks and other transnational challenges at sea. For these purposes, some major powers in the region such as the US, China and Indonesia have launched their respective strategies in securing maritime for their interests. To harmonize the various interests, ASEAN with its counterparts in East Asia region need an ASEAN-led, inclusive and comprehensive regional maritime mechanism and strategic partnership between ASEAN member states and its dialog partners to maintain good order at sea. In November 2015, the East Asian Summit eventually launched a joint statement on Enhancing Regional Maritime Cooperation to justify the centrality of ASEAN and to counter the failure of ASEAN Defense Minister Meeting. In such case, ASEAN member states need to manage their disunity to minimize hindrances of the realization and implementation of the plan. This paper mainly elaborates the reasons why the region needs regional maritime cooperation and challenges that ASEAN have to deal with in order to implement the ASEAN unity and centrality in promoting maritime cooperation and regional stability. To explain the maritime strategies of ASEAN and its dialogue partners, this study uses qualitative methods and utilizes states’ documents as well as ASEAN statements particularly on maritime issues.  
The Shift and Continuity of Japanese Defense Policy: Revolutionary Enough? Ria Putri Santoso; Anak Agung Banyu Perwita
JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol. 4 No. 2 (2016): Journal of ASEAN Studies
Publisher : Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21512/jas.v4i2.1906

Abstract

The security environment in East Asia has continuously evolved, particularly, China’s maritime expansion and DPRK’s provocative behavior. Japan, with its military being limited by its Peace Constitution, has been steadily shifting its defense policy to respond to its strategic environment for the past three of its Prime Ministers: Naoto Kan, Yoshihiko Noda, and Shinzo Abe. Historical enmities, military capability, as well as territorial disputes have increased the threats of Japan’s neighbors to Tokyo’s national security. Since 2010, Japan has established a National Defense Program Guideline (NDPG), shifted its defense strategy from the Basic Defence Force (kibanteki boei ryoko) to Dynamic Defense Force (doeki boei ryoko), revised its Three Principles on Arms Exports, created the National Security Council (NSC), the National Security Strategy (NSS), and the Medium Term Defense Program (MDTP), and revised its article 9 of its Peace Constitution. While the NSC, NSS, MDTP, and article 9 are under the Abe administration, the claim that the steps Abe have undertaken to be revolutionary is in fact, a continuity from his predecessors despite coming from opposing political backgrounds. Despite of several significant changes in its defense policy, Japan still abides to its Constitution and its military is still limited.
ASEAN’s Role in Shaping Nuclear Security Future in the Region Mutti Anggitta
JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol. 4 No. 2 (2016): Journal of ASEAN Studies
Publisher : Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21512/jas.v4i2.1950

Abstract

The objective of this essay is to discuss the potential future of nuclear security in Southeast Asia by examining the roles of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in establishing and maintaining regional cooperation on nuclear security. This essay will first outline nuclear renaissance and security challenges in the region. It will then discuss the steps that have been taken and could be taken by ASEAN to lead the region to a safer nuclear security future.
Sub-National Government and the Problem of Unequal Development in ASEAN Economic Integration: Case of Indonesia Agus Suman; Pantri Muthriana Erza Killian; Ni Komang Desy Arya Pinatih
JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol. 5 No. 1 (2017): Journal of ASEAN Studies
Publisher : Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21512/jas.v5i1.2060

Abstract

Economic integration, as a prevalent phenomenon in contemporary international relations, brings with it several problems including in the practice of development. Krapohl & Fink (2013) argue that regional integration can follow three different developmental paths which are intra-regional interdependence, extra-regional dependence and intra-regional asymmetries and hence regional integration can actually reinforce current situations rather than changing it. With regards to this, ASEAN is following the second path, creating a reliance on external actors and thus requiring member states to be highly competitive in the global level. However, this strategy ignores an important element, the intra-national development gap, since ASEAN is mostly focused in overcoming the intra-regional gap. This paper therefore seeks to elaborate the problem of increasing intra-national development gap due to regional integration by using Indonesia as a case study. The findings show that regional integration in Indonesia can actually widen the national development gap due to three main reasons. First, ASEAN integration is highly top-down in nature, thus limiting the role of Indonesia’s sub-national governments (SNGs) and private actors in the process; second, differing capacity of Indonesia’s sub-national governments to engage in IR provides higher opportunities for some while creating hindrances for others and lastly, the high transactional cost of intra-national economic activities in Indonesia causes the benefits of economic integration to be highly concentrated in one area. Therefore, there needs to be a larger role for SNGs in regional integration particularly in the most underpriviliged area of Indonesia. 
Liberal World Order in the Age of Disruptive Politics: A Southeast Asian Perspective Moch Faisal Karim
JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol. 5 No. 1 (2017): Journal of ASEAN Studies
Publisher : Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21512/jas.v5i1.2129

Abstract

There is no question that the current liberal world order faces yet another challenge. The upcoming challenge that we are about to confront is an exceptionally different kind of challenge. This challenge is the emergence of what I call a disruptive politics in the heartland of consolidated liberal states. The two main side effects of disruptive politics can be seen at both the domestic and international levels. Domestically, there is growing rise of populism in stable western democracies epitomized with the election of Donald Trump as President of the United States of America. Internationally, there is a growing rejection of globalization and integration, exemplified by the UK leaving the EU. Many commentators and pundits have observed that the rise of disruptive politics is the very threat to the liberal world order that could eventually cause it to collapse from within. While the side effects of disruptive politics should be addressed with caution; however, it is misleading to equate the disruptive politics with its side effects such as the rise of populism and the growing contend with the globalization. I would argue that disruptive politics is necessary for the survival of the liberal world order. Disruptive politics is a way to make us realize that liberal democracy is not perfect and we need to fix it. This essay explores the notion of disruptive politics and the challenge it poses. It begins by unpacking the notion. It then offers three insights on how to maintain the liberal world order in an age of disruptive politics.
Rethinking Refugees as Economically Isolated: The Rohingyas Participation in Informal Economy in Klang Valley, Malaysia Andika Ab. Wahab
JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol. 5 No. 2 (2017): Journal of ASEAN Studies
Publisher : Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21512/jas.v5i2.3664

Abstract

Unlike economic migrants, the refugee population is often portrayed as a burden to hosting governments. They are seen to be economically passive and highly dependent on the hosting government’s generosity and international organizations and donors’ humanitarian assistances. In Malaysia, refugee population including the Rohingyas are no longer living in sprawling tents, isolated villages or any refugee settlement in remote areas. They make their way to semi-urban and major city areas in search of economic opportunities to make a living while waiting for durable solutions accorded to them. The absence of the right to work coupled with the mounting pressure to make a living caused the Rohingyas to engage in informal economy, undertaking a variety of occupations and income-generating activities albeit risks of arrest and exploitation. This study aims to analyze the relationship between the Rohingyas’ participation in informal economy and their livelihood. Resulting from two series of field works engaging the Rohingyas in Klang Valley between 2013 and 2016, the study found that despite the absence of their right to work, the Rohingyas persistently entered into informal labor market as temporary, unskilled and low wage workers in various sectors such as trade, services and automotive. For the self-employed Rohingyas, they tend to engage in small-scale and unregulated income generating activities. Their goods and services are offered beyond the needs of the Rohingyas but to a larger extent of consumers including other migrant groups and local community. The Rohingyas’ active participation in informal economy is an attempt to not dependent or less depend on the UNHCR’s assistance and government’s generosity. This debunks the misconception that the Rohingya population in Malaysia are physically and economically isolated from the domestic economic structure.
Forced Migrants, Media, and Securitization: Making Sense of the Changing Representations of Transit Asylum Seekers in Indonesian Print Media Antony Lee
JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol. 5 No. 2 (2017): Journal of ASEAN Studies
Publisher : Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21512/jas.v5i2.3923

Abstract

This paper aims to explain how and why the representations of transit forced migrants in Indonesian major print media were vastly different within two time spans: (1) during the arrivals of the Indochinese refugees in 1975-1996 and (2) in the period of the new generations of refugees from Middle Eastern and South Asian countries in 1997-2013. Employing media content analysis of 216 news articles from three major print media in Indonesia, this study found out that the Indochinese refugees were portrayed with positive labels and thus, mainly discussed in connection with the non-security theme. In contrast, the new generations of forced migrants were portrayed with negative labels such as ‘illegal immigrants’ and were framed as security threats. Grounded within Securitization Theory, this paper thus argues that the changing representations were caused by the securitizing move made by specialized agencies in Indonesia.  
Higher Education Integration in ASEAN: ASEAN University Network Case Teuku Rezasyah; Neneng Konety; Affabile Rifawan; Wahyu Wardhana
JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol. 5 No. 1 (2017): Journal of ASEAN Studies
Publisher : Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21512/jas.v5i1.4155

Abstract

Higher education has an important role in the region’s economic growth, with talents and   ideas developing in the process. ASEAN University Network (AUN) is the institution that facilitates cooperation among ASEAN universities and beyond. This research attempts to describe the role of AUN in enhancing regional integration in the higher education sector in ASEAN. This research uses qualitative method to get depth information and the bigger picture in the governance of AUN’s role and mechanism in regional integration of higher education system. The results of this research showed that AUN helped enhancing regional cooperation.
The Evolution of Southeast Asian Regionalism: Security, Economic Development and Foreign Power Support for Regional Initiatives, 1947-77 Sue Thompson
JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol. 5 No. 1 (2017): Journal of ASEAN Studies
Publisher : Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21512/jas.v5i1.4160

Abstract

Policy objectives for Southeast Asian regionalism had been evolving since the end of the Second World War.  Economic development viewed as essential for establishing peace and stability in Southeast Asia and the links between development and security were evident in the elaboration of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).  Also evident was the second-line support provided by external powers.  While ASEAN was a regional initiative that came out of the Bangkok talks to end Confrontation, Western governments had been formulating regional cooperation policies in Southeast Asia decades prior.  Economic development viewed as essential for containing communist influence and preventing internal insurgencies in the region.  Growth and prosperity would come through regional development programs with external support.  This would then expand to some form of collective security led by the Southeast Asian nations themselves.  Regionalism viewed as one way of providing economic assistance to newly independent nations without the appearance of foreign interference in regional affairs.  Therefore, the evolution of Southeast Asian regionalism was a combined effort of foreign power support for Asian initiatives throughout the economic development with the aim to provide security during the political transformation of the region from the post-war period into the early years of ASEAN and the aftermath of the war in Vietnam.
The Effectiveness of De-Radicalization Program in Southeast Asia: Does It Work? The Case of Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore Yosua Praditya Suratman
JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol. 5 No. 2 (2017): Journal of ASEAN Studies
Publisher : Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21512/jas.v5i2.4302

Abstract

The counterterrorism approach is still harnessed to tackle the spread of radical movement and it is deemed to be a soft strategy for a long term purpose. In the several past years, the government has been conducting de-radicalization program in attempt to bring the terrorist inmates safely to social life after the prison release. This program commonly conducted in the prison while the inmates serving the jail time for terrorism-related offences. Nevertheless, debates rise due to the fail of the program result which prove some recidivists appear to execute another terror attack. An opinion of prison environment which is considered  as a potential breeding ground for radicalization aggravates the government effort to reintegrate the prisoners into normal society. This worsened by the activities like recruiting other prisoners and supporting extremist groups from prison which still often occur in Indonesia. Taking two examples from international scope, France has announced to close its de-radicalization program, meanwhile United States under Trump’s leadership prefer to heightened the sentences related to terrorism and to ban Muslim migrants excessively. Meanwhile, Indonesia still convinces that de-radicalization program is one of the most strategic approaches in fighting terrorism, and it is deemed as a soft power with a long term oriented. Therefore, this paper will analyze the effectiveness of the program through theories, facts, and phenomenon. Thus it will yield some recommendations for Indonesian government in strengthening and reshaping its policies.

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