JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies)
The Journal of ASEAN Studies (JAS) is a peer-reviewed bi-annual journal that enriches understanding of the past, current, and future issues relevant to ASEAN and its circle of issues. The article shall address any research on theoretical and empirical questions about ASEAN. The Topics addressed within the journal include: diplomacy, political economy, trade, national development, security, geopolitics, social change, transnational movement, environment, law, business and industry, and other various related sub-fields. JAS expects the articles encourage debate, controversy, new understanding, solid theory, and reflection on ASEAN. The articles sent should have a sharp analysis and rigorous methodologies quantitative or qualitative as well as written in an engaging and analytical style. The JAS does publish original research, reviewing research, book review, opinion pieces of current affairs. However JAS does not publish journalistic or investigative style of article. The JAS would not be responsible for any implied or written statements of articles published. Each author would be responsible for their own writing.
Articles
259 Documents
<![CDATA[CONTESTED INTERPRETATIONS OF INDONESIA’S INTERNATIONAL LEADERSHIP IN THE FOREIGN POLICY OF PRESIDENT SUSILO BAMBANG YUDHOYONO AND JOKO WIDODO ]]>
<![CDATA[Aleksius Jemadu]]>;
<![CDATA[Floranesia Lantang]]>
<![CDATA[ JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol. 9 No. 2 (2021): Journal of ASEAN Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21512/jas.v9i2.7478
<![CDATA[The research aimed to examine the Indonesia’s international leadership on foreign policy throughout the period of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and President Joko Widodo, who have developed different conceptualizations of foreign policy. It ultimately affects the way each of them makes an interpretation of what Indonesia should do with its international leadership. The research built a solid and rich theoretical framework by consulting on previous research focusing on factors that affect the nature of international leadership especially regarding the role of the individual styles of a state leader. The research had two illustrations or brief case studies, namely, the promotion of democracy and human rights and the initiative of promoting the Indo-Pacific cooperation with a special emphasis on the period of President Joko Widodo. The research finds that he has changed the nature of Indonesia’s international leadership to make it fit into his domestic agenda. While President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono tends to make Indonesia’s international leadership as an essential part of his rigorous effort to build a post-authoritarian identity for a democratic and stable nation, President Joko Widodo prefers to make his foreign policy serve the accomplishment of his domestic priorities. The research concludes that Indonesia’s international leadership is much contingent upon individual preferences of the presidents in both formulating their policies as well as the implementation. Moreover, the research comes up with constructive ideas which might be useful to strengthen Indonesia’s international leadership in the future.]]>
<![CDATA[‘FAKE NEWS’ IN ASEAN: LEGISLATIVE RESPONSES ]]>
<![CDATA[Robert Brian Smith]]>;
<![CDATA[Mark Perry]]>;
<![CDATA[Nucharee Nuchkoom Smith]]>
<![CDATA[ JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol. 9 No. 2 (2021): Journal of ASEAN Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21512/jas.v9i2.7506
<![CDATA[The research is a legal review based on the documentary research concept by comparing the development of legislative responses to fake news spread in Southeast Asia. Anti-fake news legislation focuses on the transmission of information by electronic means than print media. The analysis is carried out for each of the member states by including a clause-by-clause examination of the legislation and subsequent cases addressing legal issues associated with the laws. Several common factors should be addressed to provide a fairer and more transparent approach, including developing a clear-cut definition of fake news. Two key elements should be met in the definition of spreading of fake news: it should be the intentional spreading of misinformation or disinformation by design. The research suggests it would be better to develop anti-fake news legislation as either a standalone statute or a specific amendment to existing legislation than include fake news in omnibus legislation. Except in the most serious cases, creating, publishing, or distributing fake news illegality should be reduced from a criminal offence to an administrative offence, where the police issue a fine. Given the documented publishing and spreading of disinformation by state actors, their servants and agents, there should be an explicit “fake news” offence associated with the action of such persons.]]>
<![CDATA[THE EFFECTS OF INTEREST RATE ON REAL EFFECTIVE EXCHANGE RATE VOLATILITY SPILLOVER IN MALAYSIA AND THAILAND: EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE ]]>
<![CDATA[Mohd Jaffri Abu Bakar]]>;
<![CDATA[Nanthakumar Loganathan]]>;
<![CDATA[Asan Ali Golam Hassan]]>;
<![CDATA[Tirta Nugraha Mursitama]]>
<![CDATA[ JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol. 9 No. 2 (2021): Journal of ASEAN Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21512/jas.v9i2.7517
<![CDATA[The research examined this asymmetric effect between the interrelationship of the interbank rate on the external competitiveness purchasing power represented by the real effective exchange rate for Malaysia and Thailand using monthly data covering the period of 1994 until 2020. The empirical findings confirms an asymmetric effect between interbank rate and real effective exchange rate based on the nonlinear autoregressive distributed lag estimates. The research also finds a unidirectional asymmetric causal relationship running from real effective exchange rate on interbank rate Thailand, which indicate the monetary policy has a direct relationship on interbank rate volatility. While in Malaysia, there is no causality running between both variables since the country has proposed several soft monetary policies and more concentrating on the short-term borrowing by improving the tight money supply circulation based on the domestic inflation, global economic, and financial market volatility. Therefore, the research recommends a specific need of monetary stabilizer policy to stabilize both countries’ currencies and put more effort to liberalize the foreign exchange rate system in a globalized economy.]]>
<![CDATA[TRANSBOUNDARY ENVIRONMENTAL GOVERNANCE IN THE EU AND SOUTHEAST ASIA: CONTESTING HYBRIDITY IN THE BIOFUELS AND PALM OIL REGIMES ]]>
<![CDATA[Helena Varkkey]]>
<![CDATA[ JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol. 9 No. 2 (2021): Journal of ASEAN Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21512/jas.v9i2.7757
<![CDATA[The research addresses the complexities of the European Union’s Renewable Energy Directives (EU RED and RED II), contextualising them within the palm oil sector in Southeast Asia, in which Indonesia and Malaysia are known to be the two largest producers and exporters of palm oil. It aims to question the effect of this expanding role of markets on power dynamics and political processes. Examining these developments at different organisational scales highlights the asymmetrical power relations that circulate through such transboundary networks to shape patterns of resource access and the distribution of environmental risks. Employing a qualitative approach, the research uses case study method to reflect on how market forces and broad political dynamics establish the hybrid environmental governance regime of biofuels. The research concludes that this transboundary market approach to biofuels and palm oil should be regarded with caution, as it (1) lowers regulatory quality within the biofuels sustainability regime, (2) undermines the sustainable palm oil market, and (3) indirectly bolsters unsustainable practices outside the palm oil sector.]]>
<![CDATA[THE ROLE OF THE ASEAN SUMMIT IN THE ASEAN ECONOMIC DISPUTE SETTLEMENT ]]>
<![CDATA[Intan Soeparna]]>
<![CDATA[ JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol. 9 No. 2 (2021): Journal of ASEAN Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21512/jas.v9i2.7771
<![CDATA[Like the World Trade Organization (WTO) Dispute Settlement Mechanism, the Association of South-East Asian Nations Enhanced Dispute Settlement Mechanism (ASEAN EDSM) recognizes trade countermeasures in the event of non-compliance with rulings made by the Panel and Appellate Body. However, the injured party sometimes has to deal with stumbling blocks in requesting an authorized trade countermeasure. The pitfall highlights the consequences if the dispute is unresolved. Meanwhile, ASEAN recognizes a procedure to allow the disputant parties to render unresolved disputes to the ASEAN Summit according to Article 26 of the ASEAN Charter. Moreover, if the non-implementation of the ASEAN dispute settlement decision affects the injured party, this party can submit the issue to the ASEAN Summit according to Article 27(2) of the ASEAN Charter. This research investigates whether the role of the ASEAN Summit can be a solution for the post-adjudication issue in the ASEAN EDSM. The research methods consist of a literature review and close reading of the Article 26 and 27 of the ASEAN Charter. The result shows that the intervention of the ASEAN Summit to the post-adjudication of ASEAN EDSM is likely to apply political solutions that would, in turn, make legal decisions subject to politically driven scrutiny. However, ASEAN commits that any economic disputes must be resolved to ensure economic stability in the ASEAN.]]>
<![CDATA[A Visual Identity-Based Approach of Southeast Asian City Branding: A Netnography Analysis ]]>
<![CDATA[Bahtiar Mohamad]]>;
<![CDATA[Raji Ridwan Adetunji]]>;
<![CDATA[Ghadah Alarifi]]>;
<![CDATA[Ahmed Rageh Ismail]]>;
<![CDATA[Muslim Diekola Akanmu]]>
<![CDATA[ JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol. 10 No. 1 (2022): Journal of ASEAN Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21512/jas.v10i1.7330
<![CDATA[Cities and places had been progressively being marketed as brands by using the concept of ‘City Branding', which is a unique idea. The scholars of ‘City Branding’ believed that the concept of branding helps the city in marketing activities. A city metaphorically could be seen as an entity given the advantage to display its visual characteristics to tourists, visitors, and residents. Unique visual identity such as iconic architecture and graphic design could make a city stands out from the others. Thus, the research examined the role of visual identity in city branding. Specifically, the aim was to contribute to better understanding of the concept of ‘visual identity’ in Southeast Asian cities. Netnography approach was employed to gain better understanding of the notion of visual identity of city branding and refine a conceptual framework that has been developed based on the existing literature. Elements such as iconic structure and graphic design (logo and slogan) of four cities in Southeastern Asia were emphasized. The research concludes that the components of the visual identity of the cities need to be reshaped to be aligned with their visual characteristics in order to boost their competitiveness among the global city brands.]]>
<![CDATA[ASEAN Centrality: Comparative Case Study of Indonesia Leadership ]]>
<![CDATA[Ratih Indraswari]]>
<![CDATA[ JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol. 10 No. 1 (2022): Journal of ASEAN Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21512/jas.v10i1.7906
<![CDATA[For almost 60 years of establishment, ASEAN has received praises and disdain from institutional scholars. It is heralded as the only regionalism in Southeast Asia able to manage regional order through its normative power, but also criticized for the same power. ASEAN once again faces a challenge with the looming of Myanmar crisis. The research aimed to find out whether ASEAN Centrality, the primacy of ASEAN in addressing regional issues, is still strong enough amidst the crisis. The research provided an analysis on ASEAN Centrality by adopting an individual-state leadership concept portrayed by Indonesia as a de facto leader of ASEAN. The research methods employed qualitative explorative research by focusing on comparative case studies on the Preah Vihear and Myanmar cases. The research finds that in both cases, ASEAN Centrality prevails. However, its strength varies as Indonesia's leadership depends on mutually inclusive variables. These determining variables are institutional mandates, the domestic interest of followers, and external pressures.]]>
<![CDATA[Enhancing Social Integration through Intra-ASEAN Travel ]]>
<![CDATA[Gabriella Fardhiyanti]]>;
<![CDATA[Victor Wee]]>
<![CDATA[ JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol. 10 No. 1 (2022): Journal of ASEAN Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21512/jas.v10i1.6929
<![CDATA[The ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) was established in 2015 with the goal of enhancing regional integration, including social integration, which has been linked to the ASEAN populace's motivations for regional travel. This paper examines emerging intra-ASEAN travel using Esser's (2001) social integration dimension theory. To fully comprehend the vision of social integration and sustainable tourism development, continuous efforts must be made to develop, promote, and protect the member states' common interests through ASEAN integration. This study aims to assess whether the social integration dimension connects individuals in preference to travelling within the ASEAN region. A questionnaire survey of ASEAN nationality passengers at Malaysia's KLIA2 Airport was used to collect the data. The study findings will present social integration arising from intra-ASEAN travellers and the benefits of promoting tourism for economic stability in the region.]]>
<![CDATA[The Effect of the Internet on Inflation: A Research on ASEAN-5 Countries ]]>
<![CDATA[Mustafa Necati Çoban]]>
<![CDATA[ JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol. 10 No. 1 (2022): Journal of ASEAN Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21512/jas.v10i1.7310
<![CDATA[Information and communication technologies have become widespread with the onset of globalization, affecting almost every facet of human life. Increasing internet usage has made accessing information swift and easy. The internet has also had a significant economic impact and provided financial benefits to nations all around the world to increase productivity and efficiency and reduce costs. Customers had been able to access products at lower prices as a result of the reduction in market entry barriers and search costs, which led to an increase in competition in the markets. The research aimed to investigate the effect of the internet on inflation in ASEAN-5 countries (Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand). Consumer prices (annual %) were used as an indicator of inflation, and individuals using the internet (% of population) were used as an indicator of internet usage. Control variables such as unemployment rate, real interest rate, energy use and money growth were also included in the research. Panel data analysis was performed using the data of ASEAN-5 countries covering the period of 1994-2014. Pooled least squares method (Pooled OLS) was applied to obtain an estimation of the model. As a result, it is found that as internet usage increases, inflation rates decrease in ASEAN-5 countries.]]>
