cover
Contact Name
Mochammad Faisal Karim
Contact Email
mkarim@binus.edu
Phone
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Journal Mail Official
jas@binus.edu
Editorial Address
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Location
Kota adm. jakarta barat,
Dki jakarta
INDONESIA
JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies)
ISSN : 23381361     EISSN : 23381353     DOI : https://doi.org/10.21512/jas
Core Subject : Social,
The Journal of ASEAN Studies (JAS) is a peer-reviewed bi-annual journal that enriches understanding of the past, current, and future issues relevant to ASEAN and its circle of issues. The article shall address any research on theoretical and empirical questions about ASEAN. The Topics addressed within the journal include: diplomacy, political economy, trade, national development, security, geopolitics, social change, transnational movement, environment, law, business and industry, and other various related sub-fields. JAS expects the articles encourage debate, controversy, new understanding, solid theory, and reflection on ASEAN. The articles sent should have a sharp analysis and rigorous methodologies quantitative or qualitative as well as written in an engaging and analytical style. The JAS does publish original research, reviewing research, book review, opinion pieces of current affairs. However JAS does not publish journalistic or investigative style of article. The JAS would not be responsible for any implied or written statements of articles published. Each author would be responsible for their own writing.
Articles 259 Documents
ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community (ASCC) in Conflict Prevention: The Role of Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) Indrawan, Jerry
JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol 4, No 2 (2016): Journal of ASEAN Studies
Publisher : Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21512/jas.v4i2.1787

Abstract

In the end of 2015, ASEAN Community will be fully implemented in Southeast Asia. The community will bring ASEAN countries to the next stage of cooperation in order to bring prosperity to the region. However, several obstacles still have to be faced by ASEAN. Territorial dispute between Indonesia and Malaysia, Thailand and Cambodia concerning Preah Temple, Malaysia with The Phillipines over Sabah, etc are some of the problems. Other problems related to South China Sea, even involving five ASEAN members on dispute. Although it is clear that member of ASEAN countries agree to settle their problems according to ASEAN mechanism as the most respective organization in the region, on several occasions they prefer to take it bilaterally or bring it to the Hague. The assumption of non-interference principle as the organization conflict solving mechanism does not apply accordingly. As such, we have to find other ways. Peace can only be achieved through closer relations between ASEAN countries. Closer relation creates better understanding between people within those countries. If “high level” (G to G) conflict resolution does not work, we have to turn to the people. Closer relations among its people will be a “grass root’ power to force the government to end their dispute. This paper will examine how ASEAN Socio-Culture Community (ASCC), alongside CSO’s within them, will work in creating closer relations among ASEAN countries, in order to solve disputes in the region.Key words: ASEAN Community, ASEAN Socio-Culture Community, Dispute, Civil Society Organizations (CSO).
Cybersecurity Policy and Its Implementation in Indonesia Rizal, Muhamad; Yani, Yanyan
JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol 4, No 1 (2016): Journal of ASEAN Studies
Publisher : Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21512/jas.v4i1.967

Abstract

The purpose of state defense is to protect and to save the integrity of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia, the sovereignty of the state, as well as its security from all kinds of threats, whether they are military or non-military ones. One of the non-military threats that potentially threatens the sovereignty and security of the nation-state is the misuse of technology and information in cyberspace. The threat of irresponsible cyber attacks can be initiated by both state and non-state actors. The actors may be an individual, a group of people, a faction, an organization, or even a country. Therefore, the government needs to anticipate cyber threats by formulating cyber security strategies and determining comprehensive steps to defend against cyber attacks; its types and the scale of counter-measures, as well as devising the rules of law. 
Forced Migrants, Media, and Securitization: Making Sense of the Changing Representations of Transit Asylum Seekers in Indonesian Print Media Lee, Antony
JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol 5, No 2 (2017): Journal of ASEAN Studies
Publisher : Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21512/jas.v5i2.3923

Abstract

This paper aims to explain how and why the representations of transit forced migrants in Indonesian major print media were vastly different within two time spans: (1) during the arrivals of the Indochinese refugees in 1975-1996 and (2) in the period of the new generations of refugees from Middle Eastern and South Asian countries in 1997-2013. Employing media content analysis of 216 news articles from three major print media in Indonesia, this study found out that the Indochinese refugees were portrayed with positive labels and thus, mainly discussed in connection with the non-security theme. In contrast, the new generations of forced migrants were portrayed with negative labels such as ‘illegal immigrants’ and were framed as security threats. Grounded within Securitization Theory, this paper thus argues that the changing representations were caused by the securitizing move made by specialized agencies in Indonesia.  
Redefining ASEAN Way: Assesing Normative Foundation on Inter-governmental Relationship in Southeast Asia Aminuddin, M. Faishal; Purnomo, Joko
JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol 5, No 1 (2017): Journal of ASEAN Studies
Publisher : Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21512/jas.v5i1.962

Abstract

Abstract This paper endeavors to review the inter-state relation in Southeast Asia countries. Especially in government policy. The most significant problem in regional relationship is about the absence of political awareness. As a consequence, ASEAN only provides limited positive achievement in political performance regionally. This article provides an alternative explanation for the limited achievement in political performance of ASEAN by assessing the implication of using non-interference principe to the incidence of ignorance and disconnection between ASEAN countries that leads to lack of political awareness. In this paper, we try to propose a combination between formal diplomacy actions done by state institution  and informal diplomacy actions done by non-government actors. We also points out an alternative strategy to promote political awareness on the future of SEA community. First, open policy to connecting diplomatic based community. Second, optimalize the regional cooperation with more concern with democracy and human rights issue. Third, building and institutionalizing political awareness through people participation. Keywords: regional cooperation, non-interference principal, political awareness, comunitarian
Regional Economic Building Amidst Rising Protectionism and Economic Nationalism in ASEAN Chandra, Alexander Christian
JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol 4, No 1 (2016): Journal of ASEAN Studies
Publisher : Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21512/jas.v4i1.878

Abstract

Despite its ambitious ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) project, protectionism and economic nationalism are on the rise in ASEAN. Protectionism, however, is not new to Southeast Asia, with governments across the region employ such an inward-looking economic policy when they enjoy economic stability, and pursue economic reform when confronted with major economic challenges. Unfortunately, embryonic industries will always exist in the region, and governments will find excuses to safeguard their existence. Consistent with the so-called 'Murdoch Schoold of critical political-economy' approach, this article mainly argues that the inclination towards protectionism in ASEDAN is primarily rooted in the domestic political-economy of ASEAN Member States. Apart from bringing about domestic regulatory changes, major economic liberalisationinitiatives of ASEAN, such as the ASEAN Free Trade Area and the AEC, significantly redistribute power and resources, and ignite struggles between competing domestic economic influences, many of which are in favour of government's protection. Whilst existing technical initiatives to address protectionism are useful, major crises that encourage major structural adjustments in all AMS might be needed to overcome fundamental protectionist inclination in the region
Liberal World Order in the Age of Disruptive Politics: A Southeast Asian Perspective Karim, Moch Faisal
JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol 5, No 1 (2017): Journal of ASEAN Studies
Publisher : Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21512/jas.v5i1.2129

Abstract

There is no question that the current liberal world order faces yet another challenge. The upcoming challenge that we are about to confront is an exceptionally different kind of challenge. This challenge is the emergence of what I call a disruptive politics in the heartland of consolidated liberal states. The two main side effects of disruptive politics can be seen at both the domestic and international levels. Domestically, there is growing rise of populism in stable western democracies epitomized with the election of Donald Trump as President of the United States of America. Internationally, there is a growing rejection of globalization and integration, exemplified by the UK leaving the EU. Many commentators and pundits have observed that the rise of disruptive politics is the very threat to the liberal world order that could eventually cause it to collapse from within. While the side effects of disruptive politics should be addressed with caution; however, it is misleading to equate the disruptive politics with its side effects such as the rise of populism and the growing contend with the globalization. I would argue that disruptive politics is necessary for the survival of the liberal world order. Disruptive politics is a way to make us realize that liberal democracy is not perfect and we need to fix it. This essay explores the notion of disruptive politics and the challenge it poses. It begins by unpacking the notion. It then offers three insights on how to maintain the liberal world order in an age of disruptive politics.
The Shift and Continuity of Japanese Defense Policy: Revolutionary Enough? Santoso, Ria Putri; Perwita, Anak Agung Banyu
JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol 4, No 2 (2016): Journal of ASEAN Studies
Publisher : Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21512/jas.v4i2.1906

Abstract

The security environment in East Asia has continuously evolved, particularly, China’s maritime expansion and DPRK’s provocative behavior. Japan, with its military being limited by its Peace Constitution, has been steadily shifting its defense policy to respond to its strategic environment for the past three of its Prime Ministers: Naoto Kan, Yoshihiko Noda, and Shinzo Abe. Historical enmities, military capability, as well as territorial disputes have increased the threats of Japan’s neighbors to Tokyo’s national security. Since 2010, Japan has established a National Defense Program Guideline (NDPG), shifted its defense strategy from the Basic Defence Force (kibanteki boei ryoko) to Dynamic Defense Force (doeki boei ryoko), revised its Three Principles on Arms Exports, created the National Security Council (NSC), the National Security Strategy (NSS), and the Medium Term Defense Program (MDTP), and revised its article 9 of its Peace Constitution. While the NSC, NSS, MDTP, and article 9 are under the Abe administration, the claim that the steps Abe have undertaken to be revolutionary is in fact, a continuity from his predecessors despite coming from opposing political backgrounds. Despite of several significant changes in its defense policy, Japan still abides to its Constitution and its military is still limited.
Mobilizations and Movements of Foreign Fighters from Southeast Asia to Syria and Iraq Kibtiah, Tia Mariatul
JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol 4, No 1 (2016): Journal of ASEAN Studies
Publisher : Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21512/jas.v4i1.1533

Abstract

This article examines foreign fighter movements, in particular those who joined the Islamic State and al-Nusra front from Southeast Asia to Syria and Iraq. It will analyze the dynamics of the movements in Southeast Asia and Syria and Iraq, provide a discussion of the potential threats of the returnees and how state and civil society respond to the threats of the groups. It is based on interviews to Afghan veterans in Indonesia and analyses of primary and secondary sources of the Syrian and Iraq conflicts. It argues that it is urgent to strengthen unity and partnership between state and civil society in coping the rise of the terrorism movements and to prevent violent attacks after the returns of Southeast Asian fighters from Syria and Iraq. 
The Effectiveness of De-Radicalization Program in Southeast Asia: Does It Work? The Case of Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore Suratman, Yosua Praditya
JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol 5, No 2 (2017): Journal of ASEAN Studies
Publisher : Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21512/jas.v5i2.4302

Abstract

The counterterrorism approach is still harnessed to tackle the spread of radical movement and it is deemed to be a soft strategy for a long term purpose. In the several past years, the government has been conducting de-radicalization program in attempt to bring the terrorist inmates safely to social life after the prison release. This program commonly conducted in the prison while the inmates serving the jail time for terrorism-related offences. Nevertheless, debates rise due to the fail of the program result which prove some recidivists appear to execute another terror attack. An opinion of prison environment which is considered  as a potential breeding ground for radicalization aggravates the government effort to reintegrate the prisoners into normal society. This worsened by the activities like recruiting other prisoners and supporting extremist groups from prison which still often occur in Indonesia. Taking two examples from international scope, France has announced to close its de-radicalization program, meanwhile United States under Trump’s leadership prefer to heightened the sentences related to terrorism and to ban Muslim migrants excessively. Meanwhile, Indonesia still convinces that de-radicalization program is one of the most strategic approaches in fighting terrorism, and it is deemed as a soft power with a long term oriented. Therefore, this paper will analyze the effectiveness of the program through theories, facts, and phenomenon. Thus it will yield some recommendations for Indonesian government in strengthening and reshaping its policies.
The Rohingya Muslim in the Land of Pagoda Winarni, Leni
JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol 5, No 1 (2017): Journal of ASEAN Studies
Publisher : Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21512/jas.v5i1.1812

Abstract

Regarding Southeast Asia as a multi-ethnics region, this paper attempts to examine about why Buddhist Community turns into religious violence against Rohingyas in the State of Rakhine (formerly known as Arakan). Through understanding the triggers of conflicts, this paper applies historical perspective to analyze why ethnic-religious conflict occur nowadays between Buddhist and Rohingya in Myanmar. This paper also discusses how the influence of history has constructed the government’s policy under military regime to exclude Rohingya. However, the ethno-religious conflict is either an indication of a weak state or failure state in managing diversity.Key words: Ethnic-

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