JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies)
The Journal of ASEAN Studies (JAS) is a peer-reviewed bi-annual journal that enriches understanding of the past, current, and future issues relevant to ASEAN and its circle of issues. The article shall address any research on theoretical and empirical questions about ASEAN. The Topics addressed within the journal include: diplomacy, political economy, trade, national development, security, geopolitics, social change, transnational movement, environment, law, business and industry, and other various related sub-fields. JAS expects the articles encourage debate, controversy, new understanding, solid theory, and reflection on ASEAN. The articles sent should have a sharp analysis and rigorous methodologies quantitative or qualitative as well as written in an engaging and analytical style. The JAS does publish original research, reviewing research, book review, opinion pieces of current affairs. However JAS does not publish journalistic or investigative style of article. The JAS would not be responsible for any implied or written statements of articles published. Each author would be responsible for their own writing.
Articles
259 Documents
<![CDATA[The Radical Politics of Nation-States: The Case of President Rodrigo Duterte ]]>
<![CDATA[Maboloc, Christopher Ryan Baquero]]>
<![CDATA[ JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol 6, No 1 (2018): Journal of ASEAN Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21512/jas.v6i1.4458
<![CDATA[The advent of terrorism in the midst of political conflict requires an understanding of local context and history. Anti-establishment leaders like President Rodrigo Duterte expose the limits of liberalism. By applying the critical distinction between “politics†and the “political,†we can imagine an alternative framework in our desire to unravel the narrative of Duterte’s communitarian style. Disruption is not simply meant to put into question the status quo. The goal of progressive leadership is to transform society in ways that will improve the difficult lives of the people. While the president’s critics say that he is authoritarian, it will be argued that radical means are needed to overcome the failures of Philippine democracy. ]]>
<![CDATA[The Higher Education Dimension in East Asian Regionalism: A Two-tier Analysis of International Co-authorship Patterns in the ASEAN Plus Three ]]>
<![CDATA[Gill, Oliver]]>
<![CDATA[ JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol 6, No 1 (2018): Journal of ASEAN Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21512/jas.v6i1.3963
<![CDATA[The AUN and ASEAN+3 UNet have both sought to promote the development of a distinct higher education research community within Southeast Asia and East Asia, respectively. The purpose of this paper is two-fold. Firstly, it aims to assess the success of these organisations in delivering against this aim, reviewed against inter-regional comparators. Secondly, the paper undertakes an assessment of which countries (if any) might be predominant in driving this agenda forward, at the intra-regional level. In both levels of the investigation, a statistical analysis of changes in international co-authorship patterns across time is utilised as the means of assessing the question at hand. In accordance with the paper’s core hypotheses, the findings indicate broad fulfilment of the AUN and ASEAN+3 UNet’s objectives, although it seems that efforts directed at building an East Asian research community have been comparatively more successful than those directed specifically at Southeast Asia. It is also found that, in a relative sense, South Korea is acting as a principal locus for higher educational regionalisation. The paper concludes by considering the implications of the analysis for East Asian higher education regionalism, with the contention being that the establishment of the aforementioned research communities provides a robust basis for the development of more formal integrative measures.]]>
<![CDATA[Environmental Studies of English School: Case Study of Forest Fires in Indonesia and Transboundary Haze in Southeast Asia ]]>
<![CDATA[Yani, Yanyan Mochamad]]>;
<![CDATA[Robertua, Verdinand]]>
<![CDATA[ JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol 6, No 1 (2018): Journal of ASEAN Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21512/jas.v6i1.3964
<![CDATA[Despite of its advantages in social dimension, English School still has limited articles on environmental issues. Many global ecological crisis has been dealt with constructivism and green theory because the failure of English Scholars to adopt new norms such as climate responsibility, sustainable development and environmental justice. This article would like to highlight the synthesis of the normative tensions and the regional studies within the environmental studies of English School using the case study of Indonesia ratification to ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution. Pluralism and solidarism will be the conceptual instruments in criticizing the blindness of environmental analysis in the English School communities and also constructing the environmental-friendly English School theory. There are two main conclusions in this article. Firstly, Indonesia ratification of ASEAN Agreement of Transboundary Haze Pollution, the emergence of domestic environmental legislation and the adoption of environmental responsibility marked the end of pluralist hegemony in environmental studies. Secondly, Indonesia ratification of AATHP is one of the foundations of regional environmental governance in Southeast Asia.]]>
<![CDATA[Confessing Love to the Nation: Audrey Yu Jia Hui’s Works and Identity Reconstruction ]]>
<![CDATA[Adji, Alberta Natasia]]>;
<![CDATA[Arimbi, Diah Ariani]]>;
<![CDATA[Setijowati, Adi]]>;
<![CDATA[Wulan, Nur]]>;
<![CDATA[Karnanta, Kukuh Yudha]]>
<![CDATA[ JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol 6, No 1 (2018): Journal of ASEAN Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21512/jas.v6i1.4819
<![CDATA[ This article addressed identity reconstruction through an analysis of two of the most prominent fictional works by one of the Chinese Indonesian young writers, Audrey Yu Jia Hui. In encompassing the idea of identity rewriting, I addressed Hui’s second and third novels respectively, Mellow Yellow Drama (2014) and Mencari Sila Kelima (Searching for the Fifth Principle, 2015), through the post-structural concepts of Derrida’s deconstruction, and also in relation to cultural studies views on identity. The works were analyzed through close-reading technique. The novels were published during the Reformation (Reformasi) era, where politics had served to be a profound aspect that directed the cultural identity and social attitude of the society. In a range of aspects, from narrative structure to their deeper themes, Hui’s literary works were found to draw on a distinguishable set of strategies which enabled Hui to establish her own identity as someone who was liberated, culturally accepted and free to embrace local colors. This article also showed that Audrey Yu Jia Hui’s narratives have served as an acceptance of an individual’s multiple identities, which often depends on the problem at hand as well as the context of choices.]]>
<![CDATA[Causes, Origins and Possible Effects of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) ]]>
<![CDATA[Pasierbiak, Pawel Mariusz]]>
<![CDATA[ JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol 6, No 1 (2018): Journal of ASEAN Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21512/jas.v6i1.3897
<![CDATA[In 2007, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) at its 13th summit decided to create the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC). In assumptions, the common market was to be established by the end of 2015, and the introduction of free movement of goods, services, capital and skilled labor was to lead to an increase in the degree of market integration among member states. But the creation of a single market is not an easy process, as illustrated by the case of the European Community/European Union, where a process of single market creation has been implemented slowly and with numerous difficulties. On the other hand, if the process of a common market creation is successful, the integration brings benefits to the participating countries. The primary goal of this article is to indicate potential effects as well as to show the progress of the implementation and functioning of the common market in the ASEAN Economic Community. To achieve the objective, the author will analyze the theoretical implications of a common market and the real implications, taking the European Union as an example. Having done this part of the analysis, the author will try to indicate and evaluate the possible effects of the process of the common market creation in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations.]]>
<![CDATA[Political Leadership in South Korea’s Developmental State: A Historical Revisit ]]>
<![CDATA[Putri, Ratu Ayu Asih Kusuma]]>
<![CDATA[ JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol 6, No 1 (2018): Journal of ASEAN Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21512/jas.v6i1.4927
<![CDATA[South Korea under President Park Chung Hee underwent rapid industrialization and experienced phenomenal economic growth making the country one of the Asian Tigers alongside Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Singapore. Had suffered by the long-standing Japanese colonialization, South Korea’s development strategies in its incipient economic venture, interestingly, postulate unforeseen similarities with those imposed by Japan primarily during the phenomenal industrial revolution of the Meiji government (1868-1912). Exponential modernization in South Korea was substantially forged by the implementation of ‘developmental state’ model. The term was initially coined by Johnson (1982) to explain the pacification of government policies – rather than market – to achieve successful economic rejuvenation of post-war Japan. In light to this historical paradox between South Korea and Japan, this article attempts to revisit the embarking point of South Korea’s rapid economic development beginning in the 1960s by drawing attention to the importance of leadership as one of the major components of the developmental state model. It concludes that Park Chung Hee’s strong Japanese linkage combined with his pretext for imposing ‘hard authoritarianism’ is particularly influential in determining South Korea’s pragmatic development trajectory.]]>
<![CDATA[The Dynamics of Paradiplomacy Practices in the “Frontier†Areas in Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Surwandono, Surwandono]]>
<![CDATA[ JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol 6, No 2 (2018): Journal of ASEAN Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21512/jas.v6i2.5160
<![CDATA[In the last few decades, the practice of paradiplomacy in Indonesia has increased across the country. The paradiplomacy policy was commonly conducted by local governments in Indonesia since the collapse of the centralized-New Order regime followed by political reformation in various sectors. Decentralization is the main issue that demand local government to be more active and to manage the region properly. The opportunity to boost international partners is very open under the new norm that pave the way to the practice of paradiplomacy including in the frontier areas in Indonesia. This research focuses on the thwo important areas in the frontier Indonesia namely, Riau Island, West Kalimantan and Maluku. Nevertheless, in fact, the so-called “ceremonial†paradiplomacy blatantly practiced amid of the tighten and very bureaucratic barrier including obstacles on the budget implementation. This is qualitative research with discourse analysis which so important to understand paradiplomacy practices notably in the frontier areas in Indonesia that in some extent are vulnerable to the separatism issues in the central government in Jakarta.]]>
<![CDATA[Night Market from H. Lefebvre’s Space as Practiced: The Case of Davao City, Philippines ]]>
<![CDATA[Pavo, Raymundo Restor]]>
<![CDATA[ JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol 6, No 2 (2018): Journal of ASEAN Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21512/jas.v6i2.4946
<![CDATA[This paper explores the Roxas Night Market in Davao City as practiced space. Guided by Lefebvre’s (1991) notion of space, the night market is a result of actual and evolving activities of vendors as they subsist in the area for their livelihood, interpret and apply the rules set by the Local Government Unit (LGU) of Davao, and manage their spaces as response to emerging experiences such as the three-month rule of the LGU, and bomb blast in 2016. Given that vendors try to maximize their lot and capitalize on their experiences as survivors of bombing incident, they have demonstrated ways of extending their stay in the night market and invoked their new-found identity as symbols of resilience. Such actuations, in turn, reveal the vendors’ creativity and capacity to rise above the rules of the LGU, and the bombing incident. When gleaned from the perspective of Foucault’s power as discipline and transcendence (1977), the way vendors convert the night market into an arena of practice also underscores their agency to conversely discipline the LGU by demanding that the city administration should do its task in securing the area and provide alternative spaces for the increasing number of vendors in the City.]]>
<![CDATA[The (In)visibility of Taiwan – Indonesia Relations: Indonesian Students on the Sideline ]]>
<![CDATA[Elias, Rangga Aditya]]>
<![CDATA[ JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol 6, No 2 (2018): Journal of ASEAN Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21512/jas.v6i2.5354
<![CDATA[Indonesian students have been playing significant roles as the agent of change in the process of Indonesia’s nation building. In the era of Indonesia’s struggle for independent, students had become the backbone of many important movements. Students were also the driving force of Indonesia democratization movement in 1998. Thus, it can be inferred that students are the important agent in shaping the direction of Indonesia.On the other hand, discord between China and Taiwan regarding Taiwan status has been making Taiwan – Indonesia relations growth more significant in informal than formal channel. One of the efforts to increase the informal channel is undertaken by establishing academic exchanges, scholarships, and scholar exchanges. However this effort is seemingly still on creating cooperation with academic institution to increase the number of Indonesian students in Taiwan per se but it arguably could upgrade both entities relations only if the operationalization of academic policy is parallel with their  attempt to  increase  the relation.  Currently,  there are  approximately  3,052 Indonesian students enroll in many universities in Taiwan. Yet, there is no such effort applying by Taiwan government to take advantages from this situation in order to increase Indonesia-Taiwan further relations. This paper, therefore, is aimed to deliver two arguments. First, Taiwan academic relations with Indonesia are still focusing on the effort to increase the number of Indonesian students in Taiwan and neglect their potential as agent of cooperation. This condition has made the students as agent become invisible. Second, Taiwan’s policy in academic cooperation with Indonesia is not in line with Taiwan’s effort to upgrade  its relation  with  Indonesia. As  an  impact, Taiwan  –  Indonesia relation remains stagnant and invisible. In addition this paper will also deliver a clear description of the Indonesian students’ characteristic in Taiwan and the potential factors that  are  embedded on  them.  In order  to  get its  finding  and support  the secondary data, this paper also will conduct observations and interviews to the Indonesian students in Taiwan.]]>
<![CDATA[Technology Transfer and the Promotion of Technical Skills from Japan to Southeast Asia: Case Study of Vietnam ]]>
<![CDATA[Nguyen, Quynh Huong]]>
<![CDATA[ JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol 6, No 2 (2018): Journal of ASEAN Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21512/jas.v6i2.5095
<![CDATA[In this era of globalization, technology transfer is widely regarded as a significant vehicle by which developing countries can both acquire technologies and develop human resources. Also, the skills level of employees has been identified in playing a critical role in making technology transfer effective. Japan is one of the largest investors in Vietnam. Japanese foreign direct investment (FDI) projects that are large in terms of investment capital and concentrate in high technology industries, are predicted to continue to increase and they offer the promise of new employment and technology transfer opportunities for Vietnam and its people. However, the lack of a skilled labor force in Vietnam, especially in the manufacturing industry, has currently impeded the transfer of technologies from Japan to Vietnam. Human resource development in general and technical skill promotion in particular are critical requirements for Vietnam to take advantage of technology transfer.This paper attempts to evaluate the current situation of technical skill levels of employees in the Vietnamese manufacturing industry, as well as technology transfer from Japan to Vietnam through Japanese FDI manufacturing firms. In addition, this paper introduces the current policies and strategies of the Vietnam government in relation to technology transfer issues. It is suggested in this paper that bridging the huge gap between Japanese technical standards and the Vietnamese workforce’s technical skills definitely requires the crucial role of the Vietnamese government. The author then provides some recommendations for the government to adopt in order to upgrade technical skill levels to effectively adopt and utilize technologies transferred from Japan in the manufacturing industry.]]>
