Jurnal Hubungan Internasional
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional (JHI) is a biannual journal published by Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta, Indonesia collaborates with Asosiasi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Indonesia(AIHII).
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<![CDATA[Strategi Pemerintahan Xi Jinping terhadap Taiwan dalam Mengamankan Kedaulatan Tingkok ]]>
<![CDATA[Inneke Firsana Dewi]]>;
<![CDATA[Karina Utami Dewi]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 7, No 2 (2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.72136
<![CDATA[The dynamics of China and Taiwan relation which began with a civil war between the Communist Party and the Nationalist Party have not ended yet. President Tsai Ing-wen rejected the existence of the One China Policy and continued to strive for Taiwan#39;s independence in various ways. On the contrary, President Xi Jinping firmly declined Taiwan independence and insisted on defending Taiwan position as part of Chinese sovereignty. This paper aims to explain the attempt of Chinese government under President Xi Jinping in responding to Taiwan move using the concept of security sector by Buzan, Waever, and de Wilde encompasses the security strategy of the military, political,and economic sectors. Through the analysis form this concept, Chinese government’s attempt in military and political sector succeeded to overcome the threat from Taiwan position while in the economic sector, the outcome is not as expected since Taiwanese government intended not to depend on Chinese economics.]]>
<![CDATA[Biopolitics of Knowledgeable Neglect: The Case of Famine in Kazakhstan in 1931-1933 ]]>
<![CDATA[Aliya Sartbayeva Peleo]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 7, No 2 (2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.72135
<![CDATA[This article examines and problematizes the historic case of famine in Kazakhstan in 1931-33 to illustrate that ‘starvation’, ‘famine,’ or ‘food crisis’ occurred primarily because of ‘knowledgeable neglect’ by the Soviet governance system in order to pursue the priorities of modern development, such as industrialization in the context of overall social modernization of population. The paper also explores the concepts of ‘famine’ through Malthusianism, ‘entitlement approach’ and ‘new famine’. It also explains the biopolitical implications of these concepts using the historical case of the 1931-1933 famine in Kazakhstan. The case shows that particular Soviet government policies and political decisions by individual officials to worsened the condition of marginalized communities at the social periphery for the attainment of a ‘greater good’ of the government national priorities, particularly overall industrialization and modern economic development. The case demonstrates that any promotion of a dominant ‘identity’, particularly in its modernist form with ‘civilizing’ function, exposes the inclination towards exclusion and repression of ‘bare life’ of marginalized people at the periphery. On the whole, the article critically explores the ‘famine’ as a complex biopolitical problem of public action or inaction, failure of accountability, and therefore ‘knowledgeable neglect’ of periphery populations.]]>
<![CDATA[Pendekatan Keamanan Manusia dalam Studi Perbatasan Negara ]]>
<![CDATA[Sudiar, Sonny]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 7, No 2 (2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.72139
<![CDATA[The study of state border have always been an interesting topic of discussion among the IR’s scholars, this is because the border issues are related to territorial issues and state sovereignty. So that discussions about state borders are always dominated by traditional security approaches that put the ecountry as the primary actor.While this article seeks to use the human security approach in reviewing state border issues. This is done as a form of response to the dynamics of change in international relations. Unlike traditional security approaches that always put the state as the object of reference, the human security approach places the individual as the object of reference. Human security is an approach that is focus on individual security. According to UNDP there are seven universal components in human security approach; economic security, food security, health security, environment security, personal security, community security and political security.]]>
<![CDATA[Donald Trump’s Protectionist Trade Policy from the Perspective of Economic Nationalism ]]>
<![CDATA[Bimantara, Azza]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 7, No 2 (2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.72132
<![CDATA[This article aims to analyze American trade policy under Donald Trump’s administration. President Trump has imposed a set of tariffs and quotas for such imported agriculture and manufactured products. Such trade policies triggered many American trading partners, most notably China and NAFTA members, to take any retaliatory measures, starting trade war. Preliminary observation on this issue starts with two problematization. First, Trump’s trade policies failed to push his trade partners for their trade compliances despite of their higher relative export dependency on American market rather than on the contrary. Second, most of Trump’s “trade belligerents†are democratic countries; it is another anomaly for established assumption about democratic peace theory which has stated that structures and norms held by democratic countries prevent them to engage conflictual relations in both political-security and economy. Further research has found that competitive trade structure US Government faced at some traded commodities put American trade interests at stake against other conflicting countries. In order to protect such interest, President Trump must deliver restrictive measures—tariffs and quotas—in favor of domestic industries and market. Such behavior is justified by both President Trump’s view and tenet aboutthe construction of American nation and his political mobilization of popular far-right mass which also contribute to the discourse of contemporary American nationalism. The result is American economic nationalism which drives domestic political configuration to support President Trump’s political economic initiatives.]]>
<![CDATA[The Implication of Indonesia’s IUU Fishing Policy in Natuna Territorial Waters towards South China Sea Geopolitics ]]>
<![CDATA[Silvia Dian Anggraini]]>;
<![CDATA[Indra Kusumawardhana]]>;
<![CDATA[Iqbal Ramadhan]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 7, No 2 (2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.72130
<![CDATA[The agenda of Jokowi’s administration demands a strong measure to protect maritime security and sovereignty of Indonesia; especially its national sovereignty and maritime security in the vast boundary of Indonesian territorial waters. However, the implementation faces challenges related to violations of sovereignty in the territorial waters. One of them was due to the rampant illegal fishing activities that threaten the sufficiency of the fish stock. Exposed to such threat, Indonesia’s commitment to secure its maritime sovereignty was strongly projected by the emergence of a ‘Sink the Vessels’ policy by the Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries (KKP), chaired by Susi Pudjiastuti since 2014. In the context of the South China Sea polemics which shows the relationship with the territorial waters of Indonesia in Natuna, the policy has significant implication to the South China Sea maritime geopolitics. The question is what the implications of the ‘Sink the Vessels’ policy toward maritime geopolitics in the South China Sea. Using structuration and geopolitics approaches, this article argues that Indonesia’s IUU Fishing policy enhances the complexity of maritime security in the South China Sea which ultimately leads to the strengthening of political realism behaviour among countries whom potential to conflict with Indonesia in the context of IUU Fishing in Natuna waters.]]>
<![CDATA[Islam dalam Politik Luar Negeri Singapura ]]>
<![CDATA[Sugeng Riyanto]]>;
<![CDATA[Bambang Cipto]]>;
<![CDATA[Tulus Warsito]]>;
<![CDATA[Surwandono Surwandono]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 7, No 2 (2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.72138
<![CDATA[The Malay Moslem community is actually a minority group in Singapore, which consist 14.3%, while Chinese ethnic is a majority with 76%. The previous studies on minority in Southeast Asia such as Thailand, Philippines and Myanmar showed that mostly the Muslim minority was treated as marginal community and political pressure. This study is to seek whether the Malay Muslim in Singapore has been treated as well as it in neighbor or contrary Malay Moslem has a different position and role in Singaporean politics. Furthermore, in term of foreign policy, this study is going to find the influence of Moslem existance, whereas Singapore is well-known as a secular state. In Singaporean leader’s perspectives, Islam is a threat, as it has been shown in several communal riots during the early history of Singapore, pressure from Malaysia and Indonesia. This is a vulnerable situation for Singapore. Therefore, Singapore addressed moderate policies toward Moslem through accommodation of Islam with several Islamic friendly policies in the country, and accommodation of Malaysian and Indonesian interests. In the other hand, Singapore also anticipates the threat from neighbors through close relations with United States and its allies.]]>
<![CDATA[Between Revisionist and Status Quo: The Case of China’s Leadership in the AIIB ]]>
<![CDATA[Yuliantoro, Nur Rachmat]]>;
<![CDATA[Dinarto, Dedi]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 7, No 2 (2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.72131
<![CDATA[This article seeks to understand China’s foreign policy today by assessing its leadership in the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), using the scholarly term of ‘contested multilateralism’ coined by Julia Morse and Robert Keohane. We argue that since the beginning of the 21st century, China has managed to improve its image as a new global power through the transformation of its foreign policy. In expanding its political sphere, China is using not only peripheral diplomacy but also cross-regional diplomacy strategies through the existing bilateral and multilateral mechanisms. Within this context, we look at a specific case of the creation of the AIIB as evidence of China’s greater participation in the global political economy realm. The AIIB can be seen as how China practices multilateralism in its foreign policy as it is trying to meet domestic, regional, as well as global development and economic challenges. This article argues that the creation of AIIB is not only the implication of China’s fiscal and trade policy, nor merely to solve the regional infrastructure gap in Asia, but also to challenge the U.S. (and Japan) influence through the Asian Development Bank (ADB), in which China possesses minor political power to accommodate its political economic interests.]]>
<![CDATA[Pengelolaan Konflik Sumber Daya Alam Terbarukan di Perbatasan dalam Pendekatan Ekologi Politik ]]>
<![CDATA[Herdis Herdiansyah]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 7, No 2 (2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.72134
<![CDATA[The different interest among actors (government, society, and corporations) has become one of the causes of conflict in natural resources managements. In border areas, conflict arises because of abundant land availability and diverse natural resources that have a potency to be utilized for a variety of purposes.Meanwhile, the political ecology approach sees these differences of interest arise from economic, social, and political motives or it can be driven by an environmental control. Political ecology approach can help to illustrate the phenomenon, by linking the environmental condition to the process of the political economy. Political ecology becomes operational when it acts as an environmental policy and spur the government to act collaboratively with privates and communities. In addition, natural resources management must include the right and responsibilities in the future. To assuring the conflict of natural resources management at the border will not escalate, the approach of the security law need to be implemented at the border besides the welfare approach.]]>
<![CDATA[The Syrian Refugees in Lebanon: Moving Towards Securitization ]]>
<![CDATA[Heavy Nala Estriani]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 7, No 2 (2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.72133
<![CDATA[This paper analyzes Lebanese policy towards Syrian refugees within their country. The prolonged conflict in Syria has generated a large-scale influx of refugees that contributed to the addition of 1.5 million to 4.5 million Lebanon population. While other Middle Eastern countries such as Jordan and Turkey responded by accepting the arrival of these refugees, Lebanon took the opposite response. Through the analysis of securitization theory and the nexus between migration and demographic balance, it can be understood that the Lebanese Government uses a speech of act strategy in conducting securitization. Speech of act is carried out through political discourse and the role of the media in portraying refugees as an existential threat that require special measure to handle them. Lebanon also uses the issue of demographic change, sectarian balance, and the emergence of the new conflicts, as issues that threaten Lebanon domestic stability and security.]]>
