Articles
<![CDATA[STUDI PERSUASI: ANALISIS TERHADAP KAMPANYE KEMENTERIAN KESEHATAN “CEGAH, OBATI, LAWAN DIABETES” MELALUI YOUTUBE ]]>
<![CDATA[Yunita Permatasari]]>;
<![CDATA[Sophia Bernadette]]>;
<![CDATA[Indra Kusumawardhana]]>
<![CDATA[ Populis : Jurnal Sosial dan Humaniora Vol 4, No 2 (2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Nasional ]]>
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DOI: 10.47313/pjsh.v4i2.695
<![CDATA[Artikel ini melakukan analisis mendalam terhadap aktifitas kampanye “Cegah, Obati, Lawan Diabetes” yang diunggah oleh Kementerian Kesehatan di Youtube sebagai suatu wujud upaya pemerintah dalam melakukan suatu persuasi terhadap masyarakat. Menimbang upaya untuk menguatkan kesadaran masyarakat terhadap pencegahan penyakit tersebut. Pertanyaan utama yang akan diajukan adalah bagaimana upaya persuasi Kementerian Kesehatan melalui Kampanye “Cegah, Obati, Lawan Diabetes”yang diunggah di Youtube dapat memengaruhi penerima pesan yang dikomunikasikan? Untuk menjawab pertanyaan tersebut, artikel ini menggunakan model analisis persuasi Elaboration Likelihood Model yang dipopulerkan oleh Richard E Petty dan John T Cacioppo. Menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif yang menggunakan analisis deskriptif dan in depth interview, Hasil dari penelitian ini diharapkan mampu memberikan gambaran komprehensif dari upaya pemerintah dalam melakukan persuasi terhadap masyrakat dalam tujuan-tujuan tertentu.]]>
<![CDATA[Counter Hegemony Cina Terhadap Dominasi Peradaban Barat yang Nampak dalam Film “The Great Wall” ]]>
<![CDATA[Clara Tirta Wijaya]]>;
<![CDATA[Indra Kusumawardhana]]>
<![CDATA[ Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 5 No 1 (2018): April 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman ]]>
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DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2018.5.1.1281
<![CDATA[Menguatnya negara besar Cina, baik pada dimensi politik ataupun ekonomi, memunculkan fenomena semakin banyaknya film yang bernuansa peradaban Cina di dalam pasar film dunia. Film “The Great Wall” adalah salah satunya, dimana kerja sama antara Barat dan Cina menjadi keunikan dari film tersebut. Penelitian ini akan menelaah film “The Great Wall” menggunakan pendekatan counter hegemony Gramsci yang dipadukan dengan analisis wacana untuk mengklaim bahwasanya film tersebut merupakan salah satu wujud dari counter hegemony yang nampak di era kebangkitan negara besar Cina terhadap peradaban Barat. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif yang menekankan pada analisis wacana untuk menangkap upaya counter hegemony Cina melalui media film, dalam rangka menantang interpretasi dari berbagai film yang mengedepankan superioritas peradaban Barat dibandingkan peradaban Timur yakni Cina. Hasil analisis wacana dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa film “The Great Wall” dapat memenuhi tiga momen yang dinyatakan oleh Gramsci yaitu sosial, politik, dan militer sebagai struktur dasar yang menopang hegemoni. Hal ini tentunya dapat memunculkan persepsi di benak masyarakat dimana pesan – pesan yang disampaikan di dalam film “The Great Wall” ini mengangkat pemahaman ideologis serta pemaknaan eksistensi peradaban Cina yang lebih maju dan bijaksana, kontras dengan peradaban barat yang selama ini dianggap lebih superior dan dominan di dalam arus sejarah.]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Respon Vietnam dalam Menghadapi Kebijakan Illegal Fishing Indonesia di Zona Ekonomi Eksklusif Perairan Natuna ]]>
<![CDATA[Tia Maulida]]>;
<![CDATA[Indra Kusumawardhana]]>
<![CDATA[ Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 7 No 2 (2020): November 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman ]]>
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DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2020.7.2.2633
<![CDATA[This design/research on Vietnam's response to the IUU Fishing Indonesia "Sink the Vessels" policy which has sunk 272 Vietnamese vessels from 2014-2018, with the aim of providing an understanding of Vietnam's strategy in maintaining its relationship with Indonesia and the reasons why Vietnam responded to the policy it is not aggressive. This study uses defensive realism approach through four assumptions from Jeffrey W. Taliaferro. The method used is a qualitative research model that is descriptive in nature with literature study data collection techniques through the collection of data and information and reliable sources. The results show that based on the four basic assumptions of Taliaferro realism, namely Vietnam experiences a security dilemma that is not focused on Indonesia, the existence of complex water conflicts in the region, Vietnam's military capabilities under Indonesia and Vietnam's domestic politics which have a tendency to maintain good relations with Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[POLILATERAL GASTRODIPLOMACY: MENGUNGKAP INTERAKSI ANTAR AKTOR DALAM AKTIFITAS GASTRODIPLOMASI INDONESIA DI LOS ANGELES ]]>
<![CDATA[Indra Kusumawardhana]]>;
<![CDATA[Bhardanshah Mohammad]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmu dan Budaya Vol 41, No 61 (2018): Vol. 41, No 61 (2018) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Nasional ]]>
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DOI: 10.47313/jib.v41i61.651
<![CDATA[The international relations study has experienced a lot of movement in the dinamic, looking at patterns in an increasingly of the dynamic of dipomacy, then it is considered to give the influence into the development of the science of international relations. This paper deals with how the theory or concept of Polilateral Gastrodiplomacy describes the movement patterns of diploamcy. The authors trying to see the interactions between actors in diplomacy, especially in an effort to develop Indonesia's culinary business in Los Angeles. Interactions between these actors and then encourage the presence of a development that can be mutually beneficial but depending on the aspect of what being a concentration. The authors also assume that the interaction that is formed into a new style in running the diplomatic mission of Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[The Implication of Indonesia’s IUU Fishing Policy in Natuna Territorial Waters towards South China Sea Geopolitics ]]>
<![CDATA[Silvia Dian Anggraini]]>;
<![CDATA[Indra Kusumawardhana]]>;
<![CDATA[Iqbal Ramadhan]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 7, No 2 (2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.72130
<![CDATA[The agenda of Jokowi’s administration demands a strong measure to protect maritime security and sovereignty of Indonesia; especially its national sovereignty and maritime security in the vast boundary of Indonesian territorial waters. However, the implementation faces challenges related to violations of sovereignty in the territorial waters. One of them was due to the rampant illegal fishing activities that threaten the sufficiency of the fish stock. Exposed to such threat, Indonesia’s commitment to secure its maritime sovereignty was strongly projected by the emergence of a ‘Sink the Vessels’ policy by the Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries (KKP), chaired by Susi Pudjiastuti since 2014. In the context of the South China Sea polemics which shows the relationship with the territorial waters of Indonesia in Natuna, the policy has significant implication to the South China Sea maritime geopolitics. The question is what the implications of the ‘Sink the Vessels’ policy toward maritime geopolitics in the South China Sea. Using structuration and geopolitics approaches, this article argues that Indonesia’s IUU Fishing policy enhances the complexity of maritime security in the South China Sea which ultimately leads to the strengthening of political realism behaviour among countries whom potential to conflict with Indonesia in the context of IUU Fishing in Natuna waters.]]>
<![CDATA[The Unbreakable Relations Between Indonesia-Vietnam Post “Sink the Vessels” Policy: A Complex Systems Approach ]]>
<![CDATA[Rusadi Kantaprawira]]>;
<![CDATA[Arry Bainus]]>;
<![CDATA[Indra Kusumawardhana]]>
<![CDATA[ JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) Vol. 6 No. 2 (2018): Journal of ASEAN Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Centre for Business and Diplomatic Studies (CBDS) Bina Nusantara University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21512/jas.v6i2.5004
<![CDATA[The vibrant bilateral relations between Indonesia-Vietnam has been tested by the Sink the Vessels policy, a robust measure executed by Indonesia to tackle rampant illegal fishing that encroach Indonesian waters. The policy has caused in the demolition of, among else, Vietnamese fishing vessels; and has also led to near-clash and incidents at sea. Despite these, both countries bilateral relations were far from hostile condition, and uphold their neighbourly relations to manage the illegal fishing problem. How Could Indonesia’s foreign policy action did not further exacerbate Indonesia-Vietnam relations post “Sink the Vessels” policy? To tackle our question, this article probes to describe the complex systems that interwoven Indonesia and Vietnam during the rising tension. We argue that the complex systems encapsulated Indonesia – Vietnam relations post “Sink the Vessels” policy consist of symbol system, interest system, and role system that maintain their friendly bilateral relations, even in the turbulence ocean. This article exposes that Indonesia-Vietnam responds to tackle the problem stems primarily from the linkage between the three systems to escape the security dilemma.]]>
<![CDATA[Understanding The Dynamic of International System Through The Lens of Complex System Approach ]]>
<![CDATA[Indra Kusumawardhana]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 10 No. 1 (2017): Jurnal Hubungan Internasional ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v10i1.5115
<![CDATA[The International Relations Study has undergone many changes in its dynamics,especially in view of the dynamic conditions of world politics. It directly influences the development of the IR study. This paper discusses how the theory of complex systems explain the dynamics of the international system after the end of the Cold War. Through the theory, the author seeks to see the changes that occur in interstate interaction, especially in the framework of thinking about the interests of each country. Interaction between countries then encourage the existence of different systems between one another, depending on how the country chooses interaction groups. The author also seeks the inter-state interaction that formed into an international system can be studied from the transition process to change the direction of interaction to see how the true international system is formed through the views of the theory of complex systems.]]>
<![CDATA[Indonesia di Persimpangan: Urgensi “Undang-Undang Kesetaraan dan Keadilan Gender” di Indonesia Pasca Deklarasi Bersama Buenos Aires Pada Tahun 2017 ]]>
<![CDATA[Indra Kusumawardhana]]>;
<![CDATA[Rusdi Jarwo Abbas]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal HAM Vol 9, No 2 (2018): Edisi Desember ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Badan Penelitian dan Pengembangan Hukum dan Hak Asasi Manusia ]]>
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DOI: 10.30641/ham.2018.9.153-174
<![CDATA[Pasca Deklarasi Bersama Buenos Aires tentang Perdagangan dan Pemberdayaan Ekonomi Perempuan pada Desember 2017 silam, keterlibatan Indonesia kembali menjadikannya berada dipersimpangan jalan. Jika merujuk pada kenyataan bahwahingga kini Indonesia belum memiliki Undang - Undang Kesetaraan dan Keadilan Gender (UU-KKG), polemik kesetaraan dan keadilan gender tetap menjadi sebuah tugas yang jauh dari kata usai untuk Indonesia terutama dalam konteks penjaminan Hak Asasi Manusia. Padahal, substansi Deklarasi Bersama Buenos Aires adalah penekanan terhadap kesetaraan dan keadilan gender pada aktifitas ekonomi, dalam konteks tersebut, kajian ini dirajut dalam rangka mengangkat kembali urgensi UU-KKG, terutama dalam kaitan pemberdayaan ekonomi perempuan pasca Deklarasi Buenos Aires. Pertanyaan utama yang diajukan adalah mengapa UU-KKG penting bagi Indonesia pasca keterlibatannya di dalam Deklarasi Buenos Aires? Menggunakan pendekatan globalisasi ekonomi, hak asasi manusia, dan perspektif gender; serta menggunakan metodologi kualitatif dalam menganalisis permasalahanurgensi Undang-UndangKesetaraan dan Keadilan Gender setelah Indonesia terlibat di dalam Deklarasi Bersama Buenos Aires tentang Perdagangan dan Pemberdayaan Ekonomi Perempuan.]]>
<![CDATA[Bersama untuk Kemanusiaan: Penanganan Lintas Sektor terhadap Masalah Pengungsi Rohingya di Aceh 2015 ]]>
<![CDATA[Zulkarnain Zulkarnain]]>;
<![CDATA[Indra Kusumawardhana]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal HAM Vol 11, No 1 (2020): April Edition ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Badan Penelitian dan Pengembangan Hukum dan HAM ]]>
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DOI: 10.30641/ham.2020.11.67-83
<![CDATA[Masalah pengungsi internasional Rohingya serta respon yang dilakukan oleh Indonesia dan masyarakat Aceh dalam mengatasi gelombang pengungsi Rohingya yang terdampar di Aceh menjadi diskursus yang menarik terkait hak asasi manusia. Pengungsi internasional dengan segala macam problematika yang dihadapinya telah menjadi fakta sosial yang tidak dapat dipungkiri dalam agenda politik dan kebijakan sebuah negara, termasuk di Indonesia. Penelitian ini akan menjelaskan tentang keterlibatan Pemerintah Indonesia, organisasi-organisasi internasional dan organisasi-organisasi non pemerintah serta partisipasi masyarakat lokal dalam menangani masalah pengungsi Rohingya Myanmar ini. Menggunakan konsep pengungsi internasional dan penanganan kolaboratif lintas sektor, tulisan ini menghadirkan penjelasan secara kualitatif dan mendalam terhadap penanganan masalah pengungsi Rohingya yang terdampar di Aceh dilakukan oleh Indonesia dan masyarakat Aceh sehingga dapat berkontribusi dalam mengatasi permasalahan kemanusiaan yang terjadi? Berdasarkan analisis yang dilakukan, tulisan ini berpendapat bahwa penanganan ini dilakukan melalui penerapan penanganan kolaboratif yang melibatkan Indonesia, masyarakat Aceh, dan organisasi internasional dalam menghadapi gelombang pengungsi internasional Rohingya yang terdampar di Aceh saat itu.]]>
<![CDATA[When FIFA Rules the World: Hegemoni FIFA Terhadap Indonesia Dalam Kasus Pembekuan PSSI 2015-2016 ]]>
<![CDATA[Arry Bainus]]>;
<![CDATA[Rusadi Kantaprawira]]>;
<![CDATA[Indra Kusumawardhana]]>
<![CDATA[ Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) Vol 7, No 2 (2018): ANDALAS JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES (AJIS) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Andalas ]]>
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DOI: 10.25077/ajis.7.2.103-129.2018
<![CDATA[The bitter sanctions against the Indonesian Football Association (PSSI) by the Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) in 2015-2016 revealed an irritate reality regarding how weak the position of the state is; when dealing with organizations that are considered as representations of global institutions in the world of football. Therefore, Indonesia's powerlessness has made the question why the state is powerless before FIFA as an international organization finds its importance. Using the Coxian approach to understand the World Orders, this article argues that this condition due to the FIFA’s hegemony which supported by three main aspects, namely; first, the idea of football which is a populist sport, must be separated from the political intervention of state power. Second, FIFA's material capacity has made football as a sport with high economic value, even in Indonesia itself. Finally, supported by the previous two aspects, the governance of FIFA institutions has gripped various regions of the world, so that it has created sovereignty in the world of football. Using critical analysis, the intellectual work of this paper does not only intend to improvise in the selection of topics but also presents alternative narratives in the contemporary constellation of contemporary international relations studies.]]>
