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Jurnal Hubungan Internasional
ISSN : 18295088     EISSN : 25033883     DOI : -
Core Subject : Science, Education,
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional (JHI) is a biannual journal published by Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta, Indonesia collaborates with Asosiasi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Indonesia(AIHII).
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Articles 5 Documents
Search results for , issue "Vol. 14 No. 2 (2026)" : 5 Documents clear
Green Financial or Greenwashing? Bank Mandiri’s Innovation in Support of Net Zero Emission 2060 Wibowo, Bromo Yudo; Al-Fadhat, Faris
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 14 No. 2 (2026)
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/jhi.v14i2.27428

Abstract

This study analyzed Bank Mandiri’s position in the political economy of Indonesian banking, emphasizing the possibility of greenwashing in the offering of green loans and sustainability-linked loans. As of June 2024, Bank Mandiri possessed a sustainable portfolio worth IDR 278 trillion. The bank’s green portfolio grew by 20.4% annually to IDR 139 trillion. This study adopted a qualitative method by analyzing Bank Mandiri’s annual financial reports from 2020 to 2024, public policies, and online news media coverage to evaluate its alignment with the net-zero emission (NZE) 2060 commitment. The findings unveiled that although funds have been allocated to renewable energy projects such as hydro and geothermal, most funds remained flowing into sectors with high environmental risks, such as the development of smelters that rely on fossil fuels, contradicting the NZE goals. Bank Mandiri’s ESG program has not yet met all crucial sustainability standards, indicating the presence of greenwashing practices. Indonesia does not possess mandatory sustainability reporting standards, but it has encouraged reporting based on global standards, such as GRI and the newly adopted IFRS standards. This study emphasizes the significance of greater transparency and government oversight to ensure that green financing truly benefits the environment and is not merely a marketing strategy. The novelty of this research lies in the lack of studies conducted on the financing policies provided by Mandiri Bank. This study analyzed Bank Mandiri’s position in the political economy of Indonesian banking, emphasizing the possibility of greenwashing in the offering of green loans and sustainability-linked loans. As of June 2024, Bank Mandiri possessed a sustainable portfolio worth IDR 278 trillion. The bank’s green portfolio grew by 20.4% annually to IDR 139 trillion. This study adopted a qualitative method by analyzing Bank Mandiri’s annual financial reports from 2020 to 2024, public policies, and online news media coverage to evaluate its alignment with the net-zero emission (NZE) 2060 commitment. The findings unveiled that although funds have been allocated to renewable energy projects such as hydro and geothermal, most funds remained flowing into sectors with high environmental risks, such as the development of smelters that rely on fossil fuels, contradicting the NZE goals. Bank Mandiri’s ESG program has not yet met all crucial sustainability standards, indicating the presence of greenwashing practices. Indonesia does not possess mandatory sustainability reporting standards, but it has encouraged reporting based on global standards, such as GRI and the newly adopted IFRS standards. This study emphasizes the significance of greater transparency and government oversight to ensure that green financing truly benefits the environment and is not merely a marketing strategy. The novelty of this research lies in the lack of studies conducted on the financing policies provided by Mandiri Bank.
How Big Tech Determines the State’s Digital Sovereignty: A Comparative Study of India and Indonesia Kartika Putri, Dewi Anjani; Sahide, Ahmad; Rohmatika, Fiya Ainur
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 14 No. 2 (2026)
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/jhi.v14i2.28792

Abstract

This comparative study examined how India and Indonesia address the dominance of Big Tech platforms under similar structural pressures, data dependency, cross-border flows, and infrastructure imbalances in their efforts to secure digital sovereignty. By applying a strategic-relational approach to analyze access to platforms, choice of instruments, and implementation patterns, as well as a structural lens of data colonialism, a qualitative comparative case study was conducted by tracking legislative processes and policy timelines (2019–2024). Empirical evidence included India's DPDP Act, IT Regulations, UPI adoption, ONDC launch, and Google's antitrust fines; as well as Indonesia's PDP Act, PP 71/2019, enforcement of PSE registration, large hyperscaler FDI commitments, and the 2023 social commerce ban, which led to the restructuring of TikTok and Tokopedia. Findings disclosed that India has enhanced its sovereignty through public infrastructure, centralized regulation, and strict enforcement, whereas Indonesia has adopted a hybrid approach, combining legal reform with dependence on foreign platforms amid fragmented institutions. Both achieved only partial sovereignty, suggesting that the selectivity of domestic institutions mediated the impact of structural constraints. Policy implications included developing digital sovereignty metrics, enhancing bureaucratic coordination, investing in indigenous infrastructure, and raising transparency in platform–government interactions.
Indonesia’s Foreign Policy Strategy for Regional Security through the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific Saragih, Hendra Maujana; Salsabila, Jaisy Khailisah
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 14 No. 2 (2026)
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/jhi.v14i2.29428

Abstract

As geopolitical tensions increase in the Indo-Pacific region, Indonesia has created a security approach that does not rely on military alliances or regional blocs. Through the use of a constructivist approach and a qualitative descriptive method, including document analysis, this paper assessed Indonesia’s position in the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (AOIP). AOIP has been regarded as more than just a consensus among ASEAN member states; it is viewed as a strategic instrument that illustrates Indonesia’s role as a middle power. Based on the results of this study, it is clear that Indonesia views AOIP as a normative framework based on its independent and active foreign policy, inclusiveness, and the supremacy of International Law, specifically UNCLOS 1982. Unlike other tools adopted for power balancing, AOIP serves as a norm-building mechanism and supports ASEAN centrality while maintaining regional strategic autonomy. Through the use of AOIP’s four pillars of maritime cooperation, connectivity, sustainable development, and economic cooperation, Indonesia positions itself as a norm entrepreneur in the Indo-Pacific using its normative diplomacy, institutional leadership, and capacity building. This study contributes to constructivist scholarship by depicting how middle powers can affect the governance of regional security through ideational leadership despite structural competitive constraints.    
Reassessing Indonesia’s Economic Hedging Strategy under Prabowo amid Escalating United States–China Rivalry Afrizal Fajri; Rifky Apriansyah, Muhammad
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 14 No. 2 (2026)
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/jhi.v14i2.30129

Abstract

This article analyzed Indonesia’s two-pronged foreign policy strategy to reduce economic losses, or economic hedging, under the leadership of President Prabowo Subianto, regarding the competition between the United States and China. Unlike previous literature, which emphasizes domestic political factors and normative commitments to the principle of non-alignment as the main reasons for Indonesia’s foreign policy strategy, this article adopted a framework of economic hedging concretely realized through various instruments. Using qualitative methods, this article applied Tessman and Wolfe’s model to assess whether Indonesia’s recent economic diplomacy can be understood as a coherent strategy. This assessment was based on four main principles: capacity building, avoiding open confrontation, centralizing inter-agency coordination, and calculating long-term profits and losses. Empirical findings unveiled that contemporary Indonesian economic diplomacy, including BRICS membership, consolidation of state wealth funds, diversification of foreign investment, and selective market liberalization, clearly followed the logic of Tessman and Wolfe. However, this article also offers a more moderate perspective by emphasizing structural factors, in which economic hedging is understood as a risk management strategy in the face of increased geopolitical contestation, domestic socio-economic pressures, and asymmetric dependencies. This article enriches the literature on the position of middle powers by showcasing that the maneuvering space of non-aligned countries tends to narrow amid an increasingly polarized and divided global political economy.
From Formal Cooperation to Governance Practice: Lessons from Jakarta-Moscow Sister City Diplomacy in Urban Transport Reform (2017-2022) Zahra Nathania, Vania; Muhamad Fathun, Laode
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 14 No. 2 (2026)
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/jhi.v14i2.30469

Abstract

This paper investigates the dynamics of transposing formal diplomatic agreements into urban governance action within a specific timeframe, employing trade relations and exchanges through Jakarta–Moscow sister city cooperation (2017–2022) as an illustrative case study, with particular reference to Jakarta’s urban transport sector. Instead of seeing paradiplomacy as largely a symbolic vehicle for engagement, the article frames city diplomacy as an ongoing form of institutional embedding, thereby revealing how particular cooperative frameworks may be constitutive of policy processes and administrative coordination. Through qualitative analysis, the research investigated the manner in which diplomatic commitments were integrated into Jakarta’s transport governance arrangements. Results revealed how this joint effort allowed for structured technocratic exchanges, improved inter-agency coordination, and facilitated gradual innovations in digital traffic management as well as intermodal integration. While the cooperation did not lead to any radical restructuring of institutions, it passed beyond the realm of ceremonial diplomacy into one that made adaptations for governance in practice. The Jakarta–Moscow case suggests that sustained city diplomacy can operate as a mechanism of policy learning, allowing external knowledge to be gradually integrated into existing administrative systems. In this regard, formal subnational cooperation may evolve into governance practice through institutional alignment and gradual reform.

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