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INDONESIA
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional
Published by Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta
ISSN : 18295088     EISSN : 25033883     DOI : -
Core Subject : Science, Education,
Languange, Linguistic, Communication & Media Library & Information Science
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional (JHI) is a biannual journal published by Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta, Indonesia collaborates with Asosiasi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Indonesia(AIHII).
Arjuna Subject : -
Articles 391 Documents
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The End of the Cold War: Its Dynamics and Critical Factors Ahmad Fuad Fanani
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 3, No 2 (2015)
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.2014.0051.93-98

Abstract

This essay will discuss the end of the Cold War and the critical factors which influenced its ending. It has been suggested that the Cold War actually was the ideological conflict between the Soviet Union and the United States. However, the conflict between the superpowers has triggered the military confrontation and security approach in the world after the end of the Second World War. As a result, many countries, especially the Third World countries became victims of the ideological rivalry between the United States and the Soviet Union.
Reformasi Struktur Perdagangan Internasional dalam WTO: Perspektif Joseph E. Stiglitz Sulastri Sasmita
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 4, No 2 (2016)
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.2015.0079.192-203

Abstract

This article tries to explain about the institution of international political economy, especially the WTO as a multilateral trade organization that has created unequal relationship between the developed and the developing countries. WTO as the only international trade organization should be able to create a fair global trade flows and balance among its member countries. But in fact, the WTO actually deepen the gap between developed and developing countries. Many of agreement that born from WTO are not implement as expectation. The implementation of WTO’s agreement just make developing countries more suffer. This resulted in the emergence of criticism from developing countries and one of the globalization’s figure, especially transformasionalist-globalist i.e Joseph E. Stiglitz. Seeing the reality of injustice in WTO, Stiglitz then argued for reforms the structure and system inside of WTO, so it can be an institution of fair trade and friendly to the developing countries.
Religious Movements in Humanitarian Issue: The Emergence of Faith-Based Organizations (FBO) in Diplomacy Sphere Fredy Munthe
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 5, No 2 (2017)
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.5295

Abstract

Faith-Based Organization (FBO) has a strong role in conducting humanitarian Diplomacy. However, the strong role of nation-state in that sphere ignored the emergence of FBO. Until now, there is no text that explicitly discuses the emergence of FBO in humanitarian diplomacy. All of text only discusses the issue FBO and humanitarian action. In fact, there is no humanitarian aid if there is no humanitarian diplomacy previously. Therefore, this paper traces the emergence of FBO as the actor of humanitarian diplomacy. This paper analyzes the perspective of diplomacy and the impact to the emergence of FBO as the actor. I use literature review to get data about it. This paper is useful for strengthen position of FBO as the non-state actor in humanitarian sphere as well as in diplomacy Organisasi berbasis agama (FBO) memiliki peran yang kuat dalam melakukan diplomasi kemanusiaan. Namun, kuatnya peran yang dimiliki negara-bangsa dalam lingkup diplomasi mengabaikan kemunculan FBO sebagai salah satu aktor. Sampai saat ini, belum ada teks yang secara eksplisit membahas munculnya FBO dalam diplomasi kemanusiaan. Semua teks hanya membahas masalah FBO dan aksi kemanusiaan. Namun faktanya, tidak ada bantuan kemanusiaan jika tidak ada diplomasi kemanusiaan sebelumnya. Oleh karena itu artikel ini mencoba untuk melacak munculnya FBO sebagai aktor diplomasi kemanusiaan. Artikel ini menganalisis perspektif diplomasi dan dampaknya terhadap kemunculan FBO sebagai aktor. Untuk melakukannya penulis menggunakan kajian literatur untuk mendapatkan data tentang hal tersebut. Artikel ini berguna untuk memperkuat posisi FBO sebagai salah satu aktor non-negara dalam ruang kemanusiaan begitu pula diplomasi
The Critical Role of G-20 in Dealing with the 2008 Global Financial Crisis Taufik Taufik; Ade Priangani; Gede Endy Kumara Gupta
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 6, No 2 (2018)
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.62111

Abstract

Strategi G-20 dalam mengatasi krisis keuangan telah dinyatakan pada kesepakatan KTT G-20 2008-2009 dengan adanya tiga pertemuan selama periode tersebut berlangsung (Washington, London dan Pittsburgh). Bersama dengan beberapa lembaga termasuk IMF, WB, FSB, OECD dan MDB, G-20 mampu menangani krisis tersebut baik di tingkat nasional maupun internasional. Pada saat yang bersamaan G-20 pun mampu mempertahankan koordinasi berdasarkan lima prinsip yang disepakati dalam KTT 2008 di Washington. Tulisan ini berfokus pada kontribusi G-20 sebagai alat koordinasi sekaligus aktor langsung dalam manajemen krisis, serta menyoroti peran negara-negara anggotanya. Deskripsi masalah ini akan dibagi menjadi empat bagian. Pertama, pandangan singkat tentang tujuan pembentukan G-20 dan penyebab krisis sebagai latar belakang tulisan ini; Kedua, kontribusi G-20 untuk penyelesaian krisis keuangan global; Ketiga, deskripsi hasil dari tiga kesepakatan G-20 (komunike) pada tahun 2008-2009 sebagai dasar dari strategi penanganan krisis keuangan global untuk G-20 dan lembaga internasional terkait; dan Keempat merupakan bagian analisis strategi G-20 yang kemudian menghasilkan prinsip-prinsip dasar manajemen krisis pada masalah yang diajukan dalam penelitian ini.The G-20 strategy in overcoming the financial crisis has been declared on the agreement of 2008-2009 G-20 Summit with three meetings over that period (Washington, London and Pittsburgh). In handling the crisis, the G-20 was in collaboration with several institutions including the IMF, WB, FSB, OECD and MDB. G-20 was able to make good efforts both nationally and internationally while maintaining coordination based on five principles agreed in 2008 Summit in Washington. This paper focuses on the contribution of the G-20, both as a coordinating tool, as a direct actor on crisis management, as well as the role of member countries. The description of these issues will be divided into four sections, First, a brief look at the purpose of the G-20's establishment and the causes of the crisis as the background of this paper; Second, the G-20's contribution to the settlement of the global financial crisis; Third, a description of three outcomes of the G-20 (communiqués) agreement in 2008-2009 as the foundation of the global financial crisis handling strategy for both G-20 and related international institutions; and Fourth, the analytical part of the G-20 strategy which then produced the basic principles of crisis management on the problems in this study.
Turkey’s Foreign Policy Strategy Change in Syrian Crisis (2016-2017) Luerdi Luerdi; Alfajri Alfajri
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 7, No 1 (2018)
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.71124

Abstract

Turkey is one of the important actors whose roles cannot not be ignored in understanding the dynamic of Syrian crisis. Turkey used to interfere the neighboring country in order to remove the Syrian regime by backing the opposition groups and building alliance with the western countries. Turkey began to change its foreign policy strategy in Syria in 2016, but still maintained its domestic security and stability interest. This paper is aimed at explaining the relationship between the driving factors and Turkey’s foreign policy strategy change. This research applied the foreign policy decision making approach where determinants were perceived and acted upon by the official governmental decision makers. James Rosenau’s decision making theory was employed to strengthen the approach, consisting of some foreign policy determinants such as external environment, internal environment, information assessment and decision-making process which further affect decision makers to make the state’s foreign policy decision as the output. The finding of the research showed that domestic and international factors encouraged Turkey to change its foreign policy strategy. Such new strategy was that Turkey was collaborating with Russia in seeking the resolution to create stability within Syria and put an end of the severe conflict.
Pengelolaan Perbatasan dan Hubungan Antaretnis di Bengkayang Cahyo Pamungkas
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 6, No 2 (2018)
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.62110

Abstract

This article aims to describe the cultural dimension in the management of territorial border between Indonesia and Malaysia in Bengkayang. To explain the cultural approach, this article shed a light on the history of the border between Indonesia and Malaysia, problems of socio-cultural appeared in the border, and border management approach accommodating to the interests of cultural communities. This article is resulted from a field research in Bengkayang, West Kalimantan in 2015. Findings of this study conclude that the political approach in viewing border issue is not in accordance with the dynamics of inter-ethnic relations. The cultural dimension is often forgotten in the political analysis of border management due to the state border, in the conventional approach, is seen as a political borderline.Tulisan ini merupakan suatu deskripsi mengenai dimensi sosial-kebudayaan dalam pengelolaan perbatasan darat RI-Malaysia di Provinsi Kalimantan Barat. Pertanyaan yang ingin dijawab oleh kajian ini adalah (i) bagaimanakah sejarah pembentukan perbatasan di Kalimantan Barat? (ii) Bagaimanakah persoalan relasi antaretnik di daerah tersebut? Dan (iii) Bagaimana relasi antaretnik tersebut dipengaruhi oleh konflik pada masa lalu? Untuk menjelaskan pendekatan kebudayaan dalam melihat perbatasan, akan diuraikan perubahan perspektif perbatasan, sejarah pembentukan perbatasan, persoalan-persoalan sosial-budaya yang muncul di kawasan perbatasan, dan pendekatan pengelolaan perbatasan yang akomodatif terhadap kepentingan masyarakat perbatasan. Persoalan utama dalam kajian perbatasan adalah masih kuatnya pendekatan keamanan negara dalam pengelolaan perbatasan dan masih diabaikannya realitas kehidupan masyarakat perbatasan yang bersifat kompleks dalam pengelolaan perbatasan. Artikel ini merupakan hasil penelitian lapangan di Kabupaten Bengkayang Kalimantan Barat pada tahun 2015. Hasil penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa pendekatan politik keamanan yang digunakan dalam melihat persoalan perbatasan kurang sesuai dengan dinamika hubungan antaretnis masyarakat perbatasan yang longgar. Dimensi kebudayaan seringkali dilupakan dalam analisis politik pengelolaan perbatasan karena perbatasan negara, dalam pendekatan konvensional, dipandang sebagai garis perbatasan politik.
Drug-free ASEAN 2025: Tantangan Indonesia dalam Penanggulangan Penyalahgunaan Narkoba Valentina Lusia Sinta Herindrasti
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 7, No 1 (2018)
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.71122

Abstract

This article examines Indonesia’s initiatives in combating and preventing drugs abuse which has reached the level of ‘drugs emergency’. Although there are many advantages in this new approach, this article argues that the implementation of the rehabilitation approach still faces various challenges such as policy implementation priority, mindset changing of the executors, un-fully operational system, infrastructure availability, reliable rehabilitation method test, which generate questions on the effectiveness of the decriminalization policy. In the future, continuous evaluation is needed to make sure that the policy is well implemented and provides impact as is expected, which is to decrease the number of drug abusers.
Amandemen Pasal 9 Konstitusi Jepang: Mungkinkah Berhasil Dilakukan? Wendy Andhika
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 2, No 1 (2013)
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.2013.0021.1-6

Abstract

Japan effort made amendments to Article 9 of the constitution is strong enough to signal a change in perceptions and paradigms of the country in positioning itself and in seeing the outside world. If the amendments successful, it will change the architecture of Japan foreign policy which has been passive becoming more aggressive. It will impact to political constellation and polarization around. However, this paper wants to show Japan government domestically finds many obstacles. The obstacles center on a Japanese desire which not enthusiast to the amendment process in military issues and asked the leader of Japan to focus on humanity issues.
The Syrian Refugees in Lebanon: Moving Towards Securitization Heavy Nala Estriani
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 7, No 2 (2019)
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.72133

Abstract

This paper analyzes Lebanese policy towards Syrian refugees within their country. The prolonged conflict in Syria has generated a large-scale influx of refugees that contributed to the addition of 1.5 million to 4.5 million Lebanon population. While other Middle Eastern countries such as Jordan and Turkey responded by accepting the arrival of these refugees, Lebanon took the opposite response. Through the analysis of securitization theory and the nexus between migration and demographic balance, it can be understood that the Lebanese Government uses a speech of act strategy in conducting securitization. Speech of act is carried out through political discourse and the role of the media in portraying refugees as an existential threat that require special measure to handle them. Lebanon also uses the issue of demographic change, sectarian balance, and the emergence of the new conflicts, as issues that threaten Lebanon domestic stability and security.
Legalisasi Deklarasi HAM ASEAN Imelda Masni Juniaty Sianipar
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 3, No 1 (2014)
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.2014.0047.58-67

Abstract

On November 18, 2012, ASEAN countries signed ASEAN Human Rights Declaration. Since structured as a draft, this declaration has drawn controversy. The supporters argued that the declaration is a starting point for ASEAN countries to respect human rights. The Opponents considered that the declaration actually provide opportunities for ASEAN countries to commit human rights violations. Although both arguments are right, there is one thing that need to be underlined that the ten ASEAN countries have already signed the ASEAN Human Rights Declaration. This paper will examine the legalization of the ASEAN Human Rights Declaration. By examining its three dimensions -obligation, precision and delegation- ASEAN Human Rights Declaration is categorized as a soft legalization. The obligation of ASEAN Human Rights Declaration is low because it has no binding force. All ASEAN countries do not have obligation to implement the articles of the declaration. The precision of the declaration is also low because the words used in the declaration are ambiguous. It provides opportunities for the members of ASEAN countries to interpret them in different ways. Finally, the delegation of the declaration is also low because there is no third party that has authority to monitor the states’ compliance to the declaration and resolve conflicts that arise in case of human rights violations.

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