Jurnal Hubungan Internasional
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional (JHI) is a biannual journal published by Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta, Indonesia collaborates with Asosiasi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Indonesia(AIHII).
Articles
391 Documents
<![CDATA[The Effectiveness of ASEAN Cooperation in Marine Environmental Protection (MEP) in South China Sea (SCS) ]]>
<![CDATA[Yoga Suharman]]>;
<![CDATA[Suratih Muhamad Karo]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 9, No 1 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.91164
<![CDATA[This research aims to examine ASEAN cooperation in responding to issues related to marine environmental security due to the exploration of resources in the South China Sea (SCS) region. This research analyze two aspects of environmental security, consist of (1) ASEAN’s collective role in maintaining environmental security and production in the SCS to realize environmental and human security, and (2) the effectiveness of ASEAN cooperation in responding to environmental problems in the SCS through international regime effectiveness theory developed by Arild Underdal. This study utilized a qualitative method by comparing the development of ASEAN MEP cooperation and problem-solving capacity before and after the Declaration for a Decade of Coastal and Marine Environmental Protection in the South China Sea containing institutional setting, power distribution, instrumental leadership, and collaboration level between ASEAN, the epistemic community, and behavioral changes. Data and information obtained from primary sources such as ASEAN official documents and secondary sources consisted of scientific journals and web articles. The findings indicate that ASEAN MEP cooperation has developed towards effectiveness but has not reached the optimum point in solving maritime problems in the SCS. ]]>
<![CDATA[Liga Arab dan Demokratisasi di Dunia Arab ]]>
<![CDATA[Sugito Sugito]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 1, No 2 (2013) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.2012.0019.179-186
<![CDATA[Arab world never deserted from International discussions. It related to long drawn conflict in that region, such as conflict of Palestine and Israel, Iraq condition after US attack, also terrorism issues which alleged to this region. The Arab world became identical with a region which full of conflict and have no political certainty. On this condition, Arab League as institutional cooperation of countries in this region forced to have articulative roles.]]>
<![CDATA[The Asean Way: The Way To Regional Peace? ]]>
<![CDATA[Susy Tekunan]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 3, No 2 (2015) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.2014.0056.142-147
<![CDATA[ASEAN is considered as the most successful multilateral organization in the Asia region, especially in maintaining regional security and peace. The majority of the international observers, though, ASEAN has not produced any significance breakthrough and notable impact and thus deemed to be an ineffective regional organization. The key that separates ASEAN with others and allows it to maintain regional peace and co-operation is its unique diplomatic engagement with its member states, known as the ASEAN Way. The most important element of the ASEAN Way is the practice of the principle of non-interference among its member states. ASEAN members practiced this principle since the founding of the organization to ensure state sovereignty that serves as an expression of respect and equal standing for all member countries. This article explores the possibility of ASEAN Way and its practice of internal diplomacy to be applied in other regional or multilateral organizations. The purpose is first to measure and analyse whether the ASEAN Way is an effective practice that benefits the ASEAN members and the Asia region. If the practice is effective, according to the measure and the scope of the paper, the author is interested to observe whether the practice can be applied to other multilateral organizations. This is a qualitative article, the effectiveness of the ASEAN Way will be observed and analysed through the process and the result from conflict resolutions in ASEAN. The source of research comes from a bevy of academic literature on ASEAN and ASEAN Way as well as journalistic paper and articles.]]>
<![CDATA[Indonesia’s Maritime Axis and the Security of Sea Lanes of Communications (SLOCs) in the Indo-Pacific ]]>
<![CDATA[I Gusti Bagus Dharma Agastia]]>;
<![CDATA[Anak Agung Banyu Perwita]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 5, No 1 (2016) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.2016.0081.10-21
<![CDATA[This article tries to elaborate the strategic position of Indo-Pacific in the current international relations. This region has become a new crucial theatre for the global sea lanes of communication. As a littoral country in the Indo-Pacific, Indonesia relies heavily on the SLOCs in the Indo-Pacific. Indonesia, as a developing economy, requires a steady supply in oil and gas from the Gulf. A sudden disturbance in oil resources would have a catastrophic effect on energy security in Indonesia, which could lead to other security implications. Indonesia has mostly been active in safeguarding the Malacca Strait, one vital SLOC in the Indo-Pacific. This article also elaborates President Jokowi’s maritime axis as a guarantor of maritime security not only in Southeast Asia, but the entire Indo-Pacific.]]>
<![CDATA[Pengembangan Kluster Industri Militer India dari Sudut Pandang Developmental State Theory ]]>
<![CDATA[Ismiyatun Ismiyatun]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 5, No 2 (2017) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.5293
<![CDATA[This research was held to investigate India government policy in military industry development by using the instrument of high technology cluster for anticipating revolution on the military affairs. The novelty was lied on its description about Developmental State Theory (DST), especially state domain and strategy toward market. India had half intervention characteristic. State owned enterprises was defended beside took collaboration with the market. The strategy prefers the empowerment of competence qualification for the domestic firm, hold the political agencies networking and diplomacy in order to support the regulation. High technology cluster could reinforce state domain and strategy because of its technology venture which gave power to attain economic diplomacy. Penelitian ini bertujuan menginvestigasi kebijakan pemerintah India dalam pengembangan industri militer melalui suatu kluster industri berteknologi informasi, guna mengantisipasi fenomena revolusi dalam militer. Kebaruan penelitian ini terletak pada deskripsinya tentang teori negara developmentalis, khususnya mengenai domain negara dan strategi yang dijalankan terhadap pasar. India memiliki karakteristik setengah intervensi, perusahaan negara tetap dipertahankan disamping tingginya intensitas kolaborasi pasar. Spesifikasi strateginya lebih mengutamakan unsur penguatan melalui standar kompetensi bagi firma domestik, penciptaan jaringan yang mendukung peningkatan agen politik dan diplomasi sebagai pendukung regulasi. Kluster berteknologi tinggi dari sudut teori ini mampu menjadi penguat kelayakan atas tipologi domain negara serta strategi yang dihasilkannya]]>
<![CDATA[Latar Belakang Peran Aktif Jepang di Anti-Piracy Asia Tenggara dalam Perspektif Konstruktivisme ]]>
<![CDATA[Mayora Bunga Swastika]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 6, No 2 (2018) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.62114
<![CDATA[This article explains the identity of Japan that influences Japan's active role in Southeast Asia anti-piracy. Japan has been making efforts to fight against piracy in the Southeast Asia waters, such as dialogue partnerships, capacity building, and joint exercises with Southeast Asian countries. Japan also initiated the establishment of the Regional Cooperation Agreement to Combat Hijacking and Armed Robbery against Ships (ReCAAP). This evokes a question, why does Japan as an East Asia country join and make efforts to combat piracy in Southeast Asia? The purpose of this article is to understand the reasons behind state efforts about an issue in other regions. Identity theory used in this article to analyze the reasons for Japan’s active role in Southeast Asia anti-piracy. This article uses literature study by collecting related data, such as Japan’s role in Southeast Asia anti-piracy. This article shows that Japan's identity as a maritime country is influencing Japan’s behavior to participate actively in Southeast Asia anti-piracy cooperation. Artikel ini menjelaskan tentang identitas Jepang yang mempengaruhi peran aktif Jepang dalam upaya anti-piracy di wilayah Asia Tenggara. Jepang telah melakukan upaya untuk menangani perompakan yang terjadi di wilayah laut Asia Tenggara. Upaya yang dilakukan Jepang seperti dialog-dialog, capacity building, latihan bersama dengan negara-negara Asia Tenggara. Jepang juga menginisiasi pembentukan Regional Cooperation Agreement on Combating Piracy and Armed Robbery against Ships (ReCAAP). Hal ini menimbulkan pertanyaan, mengapa Jepang sebagai negara di Asia Timur ikut menangani perompakan di wilayah Asia Tenggara? Tujuan dari artikel ini adalah untuk memahami alasan negara melakukan upaya-upaya menangani suatu isu di kawasan lain dan memahami kepentingan negara dalam suatu kerja sama. Teori identitas digunakan untuk menganalisis alasan Jepang berperan aktif menangani perompakan di Asia Tenggara. Artikel ini menggunakan studi pustaka dengan mengumpulkan data-data yang terkait dengan peran yang telah dilakukan oleh Jepang di kawasan Asia Tenggara untuk menangani perompakan. Pada akhirnya, artikel ini menunjukkan bahwa identitas Jepang sebagai negara maritim mempengaruhi perilaku Jepang ikut berperan aktif dalam menangani perompakan di wilayah Asia Tenggara. ]]>
<![CDATA[Menakar Resolusi Konflik di Dunia Islam ]]>
<![CDATA[Surwandono Surwandono]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 1, No 1 (2012) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.2012.0003.27-31
<![CDATA[Islamic history has shown that Islam was born in a state of conflict which acute, both local and international levels. Thus, it’s really important to explore the structure of Islamic values which very appreciative with the spirit of “peace, security, fully-accepted, obey” as defined in the word Islam itself. This paper argues that the history of Muhammad prophet leadership gave a clear lesson about how Islamic perspectives in resolving conflict of various levels:community, country, and in the arena of International relations.]]>
<![CDATA[Fronting the Return of Foreign Terrorist Fighters: the Rise and Fall of ASEAN Border Cooperation to Combat Non-Traditional Threats ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad Suryadi]]>;
<![CDATA[Fauzia Gustarina Cempaka Timur]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 7, No 1 (2018) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.71126
<![CDATA[This paper argues that bilateral arrangements among ASEAN countries are no longer enough to address the convergence of non-traditional threats, primarily due to porous borders in Southeast Asia region. Hence, fighting terrorism by securing maritime border through ASEAN border cooperation is seen as a useful measure to respond the issue. This paper aims to observe non-traditional threat posed from the maritime boundary, specifically from Indonesia, Malaysia, and the Philippines border which each of the government has agreed on Defense and Security Agreement Framework in the past few years. The FTF returnees and the existential threat of terrorism in each ASEAN countries have eventually carried a new agenda for ASEAN countries in securing the border. This paper then analyses the result of the Trilateral Meeting that depicts the commitment of these countries in tackling FTF as the growing security challenges in the region. This paper also considers the effectiveness of the Trilateral Agreement in combating non-traditional threats including terrorism.]]>
<![CDATA[Relasi Antara Tingkat Konflik di Dunia Islam Dengan Setting Geografi Politik: Studi Kasus Konflik di Kawasan Timur Tengah ]]>
<![CDATA[Surwandono Surwandono]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 2, No 1 (2013) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.2013.0027.56-64
<![CDATA[The main problem in the Muslim world is a conflict among the Islamic community, and other community involvement in the problem. Middle East as a region that represents a typical Islamic region have these problems, nearly a century of conflicting the Middle East experiencing extreme dynamics. This research is a type of qualitative research, and data collection techniques based on secondary data. To test the validity of data used method Triangle Truth Categorize the conflict, the author uses three levels of conflict; debate, games, and wars. By using this category, the conflict in the Middle East shows a variety of symptoms. Conflict based on religion and the sacred and strategic giving a large space for the birth of the conflict in the wars.]]>
<![CDATA[Toward Political Changes: Transnational Advocacy Network for Gendercide Issue in the People’s Republic of China ]]>
<![CDATA[Ndaru Rizqa Amalia]]>;
<![CDATA[Nur Azizah]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 8, No 1 (2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.81146
<![CDATA[This article examines the activism process in the People’s Republic of China-(PRC) by substantial local civil state actors and local Non Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in eradicating the custom of gendercide. Gendercide, which determines as gender-based genocide was getting worse after the adoption of the One-Child Policy in 1970s. Thus, this research tries to explain Chinese NGOs advocacy process in building the Transnational Advocacy Networks (TANs) to deliver the case of gendercide in the PRC using the ‘Boomerang Pattern’. Besides analyzing the role of local NGOs, the authors also examine the United Nations (UN) and the European Parliament, hand in hand with the United States (US) as the state actor which involves in the advocacy process. The finding of this research are: 1) Domestic NGOs have carried out numerous actions against the Chinese government by filling the lawsuit of forced abortion to the court and protection by giving a safe house for pregnant women; 2) TANs is created when the domestic NGOs build a network with other INGOs to advocate this gender-based genocide in the PRC; 3) INGOs force the United States, the UN and the member in European Parliament to response the PRC’s government by giving a condemn. As a result, these advocacy works can affect the gendercide policy though influencing the Chinese government’s process of decision making. The policy changed into ‘two-child policy’ from ‘one-child policy’.Keywords: gendercide, transnational advocacy networks, People’s Republic of China.]]>
