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INDONESIA
Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik
ISSN : 14104946     EISSN : 25027883     DOI : -
Core Subject : Social,
Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik (JSP) is an open access, and peer-reviewed journal. Our main goal is to disseminate current and original articles from researchers and practitioners on various contemporary social and political issues: gender politics and identity, digital society and disruption, civil society movement, community welfare, social development, citizenship and public management, public policy innovation, international politics & security, media, information & literacy, politics, governance & democracy, radicalism and terrorism. JSP is published three times a year.
Arjuna Subject : -
Articles 538 Documents
Examining a Tuanku's Political Power in West Sumatra Welhendri Azwar; Yuli Permatasari; Mufti Ulil Amri
JSP (Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan ilmu Poltik) Vol 27, No 1 (2023): July
Publisher : Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/jsp.68310

Abstract

This study examines the authority of a tuanku, a leader of the tarekat (mystical teaching) community in West Sumatra, Indonesia—a charismatic figure with a significant role in the region's socio‐ political landscape. He issues political statements or ‘political fatwa’ regarding a certain issue to help determine choices. As such, political leaders seek to win his favor for an advantage in political contests. Data were collected from in-depth interviews with teachers and congregational members of the tarekat community to examine a tuanku's charismatic authority in the socio-political dynamics. The study reveals that a tuanku’s influence is strong, his understanding of politics is closely related to the religious understanding of the tarekat school, and his charisma impacts the political choices of the tarekat community. This study contributes to the literature by providing evidence of a religious figure's charismatic authority in West Sumatra's socio‐political dynamics.
Contested Access in the Failing Urban Culinary Tourism Planning: A Case of Bogor, Indonesia Agustina Multi Purnomo
JSP (Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan ilmu Poltik) Vol 27, No 1 (2023): July
Publisher : Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/jsp.68376

Abstract

This study explores the role of urban tourism planning at the national and regional levels in developing Indonesia’s culinary tourism destinations. Culinary destination tourism planning in Indonesia is under‐researched. This study aims to fill the gaps. Using the spatial triad analysis, this study explores the interrelatedness between the conceived-perceived-lived government planning activities in shaping culinary tourism destinations. Bogor City case was chosen because it has a higher culinary growth rate than other nearby cities. Bogor City analyzed in regional and national context. Based on the observations and the document studies, including text, promotion, publication, and document analysis, the research found that government culinary tourism planning has failed to develop culinary tourist destinations and attractions. The problem lies in the inconsistency between equivalent policies and the discontinuity between policy and implementation. The research findings indicate the governments lack of understanding of the subject matter and planning mechanisms. The culinary tourism planning activities have also created a classical contest of capital power. This research finding suggests the need for a better understanding of culinary tourism attractions and destinations and better planning mechanisms.
Fiscal Decentralization and Corruption: The Facts of Regional Autonomy Policies in Indonesia Ahmad Syarif
JSP (Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan ilmu Poltik) Vol 27, No 1 (2023): July
Publisher : Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/jsp.69007

Abstract

Decentralization has posed new problems in Indonesian local governments, including disparities between regions, poor public services, fiscal indiscipline, and corruption cases. Before the implementation of regional autonomy, corruption cases were reported only in a few regions. A year after decentralization started, in 2002, more corruption cases were reported in more regions nationwide. The irony is that such decentralization, initiated to reduce corruption in the government, ended up with more corruption in the regions. This study investigates the relationship between fiscal decentralization—as proxied by capital expenditure and fiscal independence index—and the corruption index. This study also analyzes the macro factors and regional characteristics: inflation, civil servants’ salaries, education levels, and the differences in the corruption index at the regional level. The method used in this study is regression analysis by using panel data from longitudinal studies involving 15 cities in Indonesia in 2008, 2010, 2015, and 2017. The finding shows that the relationship of fiscal decentralization—expenditure, inflation rates, civil servants’ salaries, and local corruption—are not statistically significant to the corruption index. By contrast, the relationship between the fiscal independence index and educational level are statistically significant. The implementation of fiscal decentralization on expenditure increases corruption risks due to ineffective budget management, individual corrupt tendencies, and weak supervision system. Meanwhile, fair allocation of local income can increase public trust and prosperity and lower corruption risks.
The Challenge of Decentralization Policy for Television Broadcasting in Indonesia Rahayu Rahayu
JSP (Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan ilmu Poltik) Vol 27, No 1 (2023): July
Publisher : Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/jsp.70909

Abstract

This study aims to explain the challenges in the decentralization of television broadcasting in Indonesia, specifically, the role of political transformation over the last 20 years. Three provinces, i.e., Bali, South Sulawesi, and Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta, were selected to represent various broadcasting operation characteristics in Indonesian provinces. Focusing on private television broadcasting, the case study examines the challenge of broadcasting decentralization policies in Indonesia. Data were collected via structured interviews involving 37 informants with a good understanding of local television broadcasting. The interviews were conducted in March, April, and July 2017. Meanwhile, secondary data in the form of relevant documents were analyzed using a desk study. Data were collected in two stages: May-September 2018 and November 2020-March 2021. These steps follow the current policy development on broadcasting decentralization. The findings indicate that decentralization faces challenges and that the policy has been tainted by media conglomerates’ economic interests and the central government’s recentralization politics. The economic interests were apparent in the fabrication of capital ownership and the centralization of business management and broadcast program production. The recentralization interests were noticeable through the operation license mechanism in the regions. In sum, Indonesia’s decentralization policy faces perpetual challenges from the surge of capitalization and the centralization of governance.
The Regime of Truth, Partnerships, and Palm Oil Expansion in East Kalimantan, Indonesia Sudirman Sudirman
JSP (Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan ilmu Poltik) Vol 27, No 1 (2023): July
Publisher : Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/jsp.72270

Abstract

A large part of the uplands in East Kalimantan has been converted to oil palm plantations through partnership schemes, making it increasingly difficult for the indigenous Dayak people to find land for swidden agriculture. Therefore, a better understanding of partnership discourses and narratives is needed. This article adopts a Foucauldian perspective on truth regimes and ethnographic methods to examine the Indonesian government's strategy to expand state space for oil palm expansion in Dayak customary lands in East Kalimantan. This article argues government strategies need to be formulated by involving a robust analysis of the circular power-knowledge relationship. This perspective allows an understanding of partnerships at the discourse level, i.e., as an extension of power, not just stories about community empowerment behind the invisible hands of capitalism. Oil palm partnerships are a temporary policy structure as it confronts another power‐knowledge configuration: the Dayak community. Within this framework, customary practices are not static but are redefined continuously. In the uplands of East Kalimantan, oil palm agribusiness partnership policies often result in subjugating, disqualifying, and marginalizing practices. This article also investigates the implications of the formation of oil palm truth regimes.
Suddenly Home: Returned Women Migrant Workers due to COVID-19 Pandemic Seeking Emergency Income and Equal Gender Roles in the Household Theresia Octastefani; Bayu Mitra A. Kusuma
JSP (Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan ilmu Poltik) Vol 27, No 1 (2023): July
Publisher : Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/jsp.72455

Abstract

The COVID-19 pandemic stopped practically all activities in almost all sectors of the economy, resulting in an unprecedented global economic crisis. One of the impacts was that millions of women migrant workers lost their jobs in their host countries. This article explores the struggle of Indonesian women migrant workers as they returned to their hometowns in Banyuwangi Regency due to the COVID‐19 pandemic and were forced to find an alternative source of income for their families. This qualitative study uses literature studies and in-depth interviews to collect data and information. The results show that women took a heavier share of the workload in supporting their household during the pandemic. As a breadwinner, they had to quickly adapt to the situation and earn an income as soon as they returned home. They struggled to look for alternative sources of income in rural areas, which were limited to farming, online ride-hailing services (individual efforts), and SME activities (collective efforts), such as producing garments, food and fruit products, livestock, and crafts. For these women, the fear of being exposed to COVID-19 was pale in comparison to the fear of not being able to provide for the family. At the same time, once home, the workload from housework is theirs, doubling their burden.
The Return of Media Diplomacy: Examples from Kosovo Hasan Saliu; Gazmend Abrashi
JSP (Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan ilmu Poltik) Vol 27, No 1 (2023): July
Publisher : Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/jsp.73710

Abstract

After the Cold War, states focused their campaigns on self‐promotion on the global stage, so media diplomacy has been pushed to the periphery, hence not being a central research theme. However, the geopolitical clashes over Kosovo and the war in Ukraine have repositioned the role of media diplomacy in international politics. This paper aims to analyze Kosovo's media diplomacy in the following key moments: at the time of the declaration of independence (2008), and during the Russian aggression in Ukraine (2022). Data were collected from global media such as CNN, Al Jazeera, Reuters, and The New York Times, which have given space to Kosovo’s political actors and influential global politicians. The US president Bush was the example of the enormous media coverage in 2008. Messages of these communications were analyzed using the framing method. The results show that media diplomacy revived in three cases: before and after Kosovo's declaration of independence in 2008, and again in 2022, with the fear that the Russian scenario for Ukraine would be followed by Serbia against Kosovo. Also, media diplomacy today establishes communications between countries with no diplomatic relations and even between countries with strained relationships.
Impact of the US-China Trade War on Foreign Trade of Emerging Economies: Brazil, South Africa, and Indonesia Kurniawan, Andi; Rizal Luthfi, Khoirur
JSP (Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan ilmu Poltik) Vol 27, No 2 (2023): November
Publisher : Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/jsp.69215

Abstract

The study analyses the potential impacts of the US-China trade war on the foreign trade of emerging economies, i.e., Indonesia, Brazil, and South Africa, and their foreign economic policies to obtain alternative markets outside the US and China. These countries were chosen because they have similar industrial characteristics and robust commercial relationships with the US and China. This study uses desk review approach and secondary data analysis from the International Trade Center (ITC) Database, the WTO Tariff Database, and the Peterson Institute of International Economics (PIIE). The impacts were portrayed in several views: triangular trade structure, global value chain, China+1, and Global South relationship. In the context of a triangular trade structure with China as the mediator, Indonesia’s and Brazil's trade was relatively secure since they exported considerable natural resources to China. At the same time, they could maintain positive trade performance with the US and China owing to the global value chain. South Africa has extensive imports of intermediate goods from the US and China, mainly for the automotive sector and further processed for the African market. However, since the significant position of the US as a trading partner, Indonesia, Brazil, and South Africa were potentially exposed to protectionism behavior. Indonesia benefits significantly from the US General System Preferences (GSP) trade facilities for developing countries. The consistent trade surplus has raised critical concerns from the US government regarding Indonesian exports. Therefore, the escalation has also enhanced cooperation in the Global South, including the Brazil-led Mercosur free trade negotiation with Singapore and Indonesia's preferential trade agreement with Pakistan and Bangladesh.
The Middle-Class Muslims’ Responses Toward the Salafi Da’wah: A Study on Hijrah celebrities Setiana Dewi, Oki; Khoirul Fata, Ahmad; Fauzi, Mahfudh
JSP (Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan ilmu Poltik) Vol 27, No 3 (2024): March
Publisher : Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/jsp.72138

Abstract

This study unravels how Indonesian celebrities who submitted to Salafi Islam (popularly called hijra celebrities) responded to some notable Salafi teachings. Like in many Muslim countries, such as Türkiye, Pakistan, and Egypt, Salafism is increasingly attracting followers from the middle class who then express their Salafism in public visibility, or called “active piety”. The data for this article was collected through in-depth interviews with Salafi preachers (dais) and celebrities who actively participated in the Islamic meetings held or taught by these preachers. This study uses a cultural studies approach, in which Hall's theory of encoding-decoding is used to analyse the active role of hijrah celebrities in receiving messages conveyed by Salafi preachers. This study reveals that the Salafi preachers used the educational approach in their propagation (da’wah) through religious education forums using clear guideline books. Meanwhile, the celebrities’ responses toward this Salafi propagation varied, i.e., dominant hegemony, negotiation, and opposition, with negotiation being the most frequent. In general, the celebrities accepted the Islamic teachings from their Salafi teachers, except for several issues that they considered less relevant to their lives. This study also found the fact that the hijrah celebrities, as recipients of information, did not passively receive information, but they classified, selected, and utilised the information received from the Salafi preachers and adapted it to their needs.
An Inclusive Social Health Insurance for People with Disabilities in Three Southeast Asia Countries: A Systematic Review Abdallah Kafaa, Kafa; Nurhadi, Nurhadi
JSP (Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan ilmu Poltik) Vol 27, No 2 (2023): November
Publisher : Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/jsp.73081

Abstract

This article examines how inclusiveness is implemented for People with Disabilities (PWDs) in social health insurance programs in Southeast Asia by focusing on the National Health Insurance (NHI) in Indonesia, the National Health Insurance Program (NHIP) in the Philippines, and Social Health Insurance (SHI) in Vietnam. The concept of inclusive social insurance for PWDs is used as an analytical tool to explore inclusivity criteria, such as target specifications, service benefits, multi-stakeholder involvement, service functions, and the program's impact. Drawing on the qualitative systematic review method, which refers to Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analysis (PRISMA), PRISMA Protocols 2015, and evidence-based guidelines, this article analyzes 25 selected pieces of literature. The results of the study show that: First, there are no special schemes and mechanisms in those programs that target PWDs directly and specifically. Second, those programs have not been able to meet the specific health needs of PWDs. Third, the implementation of those programs has involved three stakeholder actors: the state, the private sector, and NGOs. Fourth, those programs have not shown a significant impact on improving the health quality of PWDs. Finally, it can be concluded that the three programs are not yet truly inclusive in covering PWDs in social health insurance programs.

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