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Peran Pendidikan Politik Dalam Meningkatkan Partisipasi Politik Bagi Warga Kepulauan Madura Mohammad Hidayaturrahman; Ahmad Hasan Ubaid
Sasambo: Jurnal Abdimas (Journal of Community Service) Vol. 4 No. 3: August 2022
Publisher : Lembaga Penelitian dan Pemberdayaan Masyarakat (LITPAM)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.36312/sasambo.v4i3.745

Abstract

Pengabdian ini dilakukan untuk memberi solusi alternatif dari persoalan yang dihadapi oleh warga Kepulauan Madura, yaitu minimnya kesadaran terhadap hak-hak politik dan pembangunan. Pengabdian ini dilakukan dengan metode dialog, yaitu pengabdi melakukan kegiatan bersama sasaran, yang dilakukan secara berkala selama tahun 2022, baik secara daring maupun secara luring. Daring dilakukan, untuk mengefektifkan jarak lokasi sasaran yang berada di wilayah kepulauan, sementara pengabdi tinggal di daratan. Namun untuk memantapkan kegiatan, pertemuan secara luring juga tetap dilakukan. Sasaran merasa sangat terbantu dengan kegiatan yang dilakukan, terutama dengan kehadiran pengabdi ke lokasi tempat sasaran berada. Pengabdi menemukan, selama ini warga kepulauan tidak memiliki akses untuk berpartisiasi dalam mengawal kebijakan politik yang dibuat oleh pejabat publik. Setelah dijelaskan bahwah era teknologi informasi memudahkan bagi warga untuk terlibat di dalam mengawal kebijakan, baik melalui call center, akun resmi yang dimiliki oleh Lembaga pemerintah, dan pejabat publik. Termasuk berkirim surat secara resmi ke lembaga dan pejabat publik. Diperlukan Pendidikan politik yang lebih intensif oleh pemerintah, partai politik, dan kelompok civil society kepada warga Kepulaun Madura.  The Role of Political Education in Increasing Political Participation for the Residents of the Madura Islands This devotion is carried out to provide alternative solutions to the problems faced by the residents of the Madura Islands, that is the lack of awareness of political rights and development. This devotion is carried out using the dialogue method, in which the servant carries out activities with the target, which is carried out periodically during 2022, both online and offline. Online is carried out, to make the distance of the target location effective in the archipelago, while the servant lives on the mainland. However, to strengthen activities, offline meetings are still being held. The target feels very helpful with the activities carried out, especially with the presence of a servant at the location where the target is located. I have found that all this time the islanders do not have access to participate in overseeing the political policies made by public officials. After being explained, the era of information technology makes it easier for citizens to be involved in overseeing policies, either through the call centers, official accounts owned by government agencies, and public officials. This includes sending official letters to public institutions and officials. More intensive political education is needed by the government, political parties, and civil society groups for the residents of Madura Island.  
Uang Tidak Berkuasa: Bukti Baru dari Pemilihan Kepala Daerah di Indonesia Mohammad Hidayaturrahman; Ahmad Hasan Ubaid; Puguh Wiji Pamungkas; Anak Agung Putu Sugiantiningsih
Nakhoda: Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 24 No 2 (2025)
Publisher : Laboratorium Jurusan Ilmu Pemerintahan FISIP Universitas Riau

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.35967/njip.v24i2.879

Abstract

Many studies have shown that money has power in political contestation in Indonesia, including research by Burhanuddin Muhtadi, Edward Aspinall, and others. This research finds the opposite: money does not confer power in political contestation in Indonesia. This is based on findings from regional head elections held simultaneously across 270 regions in Indonesia for the 2020-2025 period. Sixty business actors are running as candidates for regional heads and their deputies. Of this number, only 17 business pairs were regional head candidates and won the contest, or 28.3 percent. Forty-three candidate pairs from business backgounds lost the election, representing 71.7 percent of the total. This is relevant to the Kompas survey conducted in July 2020, which showed that 69.4 percent of voters did not pay attention to the money politics distributed by the candidates. Voters still receive the money distributed but vote according to their conscience. Money is not the main factor that determines the victory of a regional head candidate. There are many other factors, such as communication and the closeness of regional head candidates to voters. This research uses analytical qualitative methods, and data collection is carried out by searching for documents in trusted online media, both national and local. It would be no less attractive if further research examined whether the involvement of business actors in regional head elections is more successful when they become political investors or direct candidates.
Post-Conflict Political Dynamics In Poso: Examining Neopatrimonial Practices 2005-2024 Ahmad Hasan Ubaid; Mahira Sandria Rahmatiana; Gertha Maria Gultom; Taufik Akbar
Jurnal Mamangan Vol 12, No 2 (2023): Special Issue
Publisher : LPPM Universitas PGRI Sumatera Barat

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22202/mamangan.v13i2.10265

Abstract

This study investigates how post-conflict governance in Poso has been shaped by neopatrimonial practices and how hybrid political orders endure despite the formalization of peace agreements. The research aims to explain the persistence of elite domination in the region by examining the ways in which local actors consolidate their power through control of resources, patronage networks, clientelism, and the mobilization of religious sentiment. To achieve this, the study employs a qualitative explanatory approach, relying on in-depth interviews with key informants, analysis of official documents, electoral results, and secondary materials such as books, journals, and online publications. The findings reveal that while the Malino Declaration of 2001 was successful in reducing the intensity of violent conflict between Christian and Muslim communities, it fell short of producing a more inclusive and democratic political order. Instead, the political arena in Poso remains dominated by a small circle of elites who sustain the status quo and use both formal and informal mechanisms to secure their authority. These dynamics demonstrate that neopatrimonialism continues to influence the post-conflict political landscape, giving rise to a hybrid political order in which democratic institutions formally exist but function in parallel with clientelistic practices and elite-driven governance. The study concludes that without addressing the entrenched neopatrimonial system, post-conflict democratization in Poso will remain limited, and power will continue to circulate within narrow elite networks rather than being shared more broadly across society.
Sosialisasi Etika dan Strategi Membuat Konten Digital di Media Sosial Bagi Santriwati di Kota Malang Ahmad Hasan Ubaid; Mahira Sandria Rahmatiana; Gertha Maria Gultom; Taufik Akbar; Yusli Effendi
Al Khidma: Jurnal Pengabdian Masyarakat Al Khidma Vol. 6 No. 3 Juli - September 2026
Publisher : Sekolah Tinggi Ilmu Al-Qur'an (STIQ) Amuntai Kalimantan Selatan

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.35931/ak.v6i3.6654

Abstract

Penelitian ini bertujuan meningkatkan pemahaman etika digital dan keterampilan produksi konten Islami pada santri di Kota Malang melalui program sosialisasi yang dilaksanakan oleh Universitas Brawijaya bekerja sama dengan PCNU. Metode yang digunakan adalah pre-test dan post-test terhadap 29 santri dengan instrumen kuesioner berisi 10 pertanyaan menggunakan skala Likert lima poin. Variabel yang diukur meliputi kesadaran etika bermedia sosial, pemahaman risiko penyalahgunaan data pribadi, kesadaran terhadap jejak digital, serta kemampuan membuat konten Islami yang relevan bagi generasi muda. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan adanya peningkatan signifikan pada hampir semua indikator. Peningkatan paling mencolok terlihat pada kemampuan membuat konten Islami yang kreatif, dari 17,2% responden pada skala tertinggi sebelum intervensi menjadi 55,2% sesudahnya. Temuan ini menunjukkan bahwa program sosialisasi tidak hanya menambah pengetahuan normatif, tetapi juga memperkuat kapasitas praktis santri. Kontribusi utama penelitian ini adalah memperlihatkan potensi intervensi berbasis kolaborasi pendidikan dan organisasi keagamaan dalam membentuk generasi santri yang adaptif, etis, dan produktif di ruang digital.