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Finding New Regional Mandalas: Indonesia Maritime Strategy Between India And China Effendi, Yusli
Mandala: Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol 2, No 2 (2019): Mandala: Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial Ilmu Politik Pr

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (20.767 KB) | DOI: 10.33822/jm.v2i2.1321

Abstract

This paper aims to analyse Indonesia?s dilemmas and prospects in engaging maritime strategic partner between China and India while pursuing its maritime reorientation. The expanding presence of China in Indian Ocean and its aggressiveness in maritime territorial dispute in East Asia has triggered India to transform Rao?s ?Look East policy? to Modi?s ?Act East policy?.  Modi?s ambitious foreign policy increased eastward focus and his commitment in pursuing economic growth has been combined with India?s strategy in balancing against China?s Silk Road strategy. Both emerging powers, China and India, see Indonesia potential as strategic maritime partner in their strategic vision. Utilizing New Maritime Silk Road strategy or One Belt One Road (OBOR) Initiative in 2013, China engages ASEAN, including Indonesia, in infrastructure construction mega-project to enhance connectivity. While India, began in 1996 as dialogue partner in ASEAN Regional Partner (ARF), gets more involved in as ASEAN partner by joining ASEAN Defence Ministers Meeting Plus (ADMM+) in 2010 and Expanded ASEAN Maritime Forum (EAMF) in 2015. India and Indonesia have shared the common view of culture, colonial history, and political sovereignty, economic self-sufficiency, and independent foreign policy. Theyhave been also originated from the same ancient polity that habituate them to cooperate even under anarchy situation. However, this mandala-inspired cultural legacy would also drive them toward potential conflict as the two countries try to structure their spatial process centripetally using maritime strategy. In this regards, the paper will also discuss the continuity and dissonance of maritime perspective in Indonesia and India experience. Jakarta?s will to strengthen its maritime posture marks its leitmotif to play its role as center within Southeast Asia mandala will be contested by India and China strategic interests in the sea.  In the cultural memory of region, exerting power on the sea and ownership of huge armada symbolically marks and legitimates a country?s supremacy within heterarchy or regional hierarchy that tends to be equal. Using both contemporary and classical literature, this research intends to reveal how the contending emerging powers seek to aspire regional leadership using maritime tradition.  While embarking from leadership-generational change and historical experience, this paper will shed the light why maritime strategy acts as guiding principles for national security in the global geopolitical shift and regional geo-strategy. 
Merebut Sekolah Turki: Represi Transnasional Rezim Islamis dan Pembersihan Sekolah Gülen di Indonesia Effendi, Yusli
Islamic Insights Journal Vol 1, No 2 (2019): Islamic Insights Journal
Publisher : Pusat Studi Pesantren dan Pemberdayaan Masyarakat, LPPM, Universitas Brawijaya

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21776/ub.iij.2019.001.02.4

Abstract

This paper seeks to address Erdoğan’s transnational repression towards Turkish citizens and Gülen-linked schools in Indonesia which are denounced as part of Fethullahçı Terör Örgütü/Fethullah Gülen Terror Organization (FETÖ)’s most vital source of funding. It is argued that the AKP-ruled government effectively transferred political hostilities from authoritarian Turkey to democratic Indonesia in micro-level targeting Turkish Gülenist teachers and other Hizmet Movement adherents.  In exercising extraterritorial coercive acts, the regime relied on institutional outposts such as the embassy, consulate, and mission. These proxy regime institutions played an agressive role in the repression of the Turkish diaspora, including active surveillance, nationality deprivation, and intimidation of the dissent’s family members. They also have tried to shut down, take control, or take over nine Indonesia’s Gülen-linked educational institutions to The Maarif Foundation (TMF). Nevertheless, in this meso-level (the Gülen Movement as a transnational network), The Turkish Government have failed to purge Gülen-linked schools whose their cooperation with PASIAD—which is associated with FETO—was terminated in 2015. Employing qualitative approach and data combined with content analysis, this study contributes in explaining Erdoğan regime’s coercive power across border which meets its middle power counterpart. One of the more significant findings to emerge from this study is that extraterritorial repressive acts were hindered by the national law and sovereignty of political opponents’ host country.        Keywords: transnational repression, authoritarianism beyond state, Gülen Movement, Indonesia’s Turkish schools
Finding New Regional Mandalas: Indonesia Maritime Strategy Between India And China Effendi, Yusli
Mandala: Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Vol 2, No 2 (2019): Mandala: Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial Ilmu Politik UPN"Veteran"Jakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (552.046 KB) | DOI: 10.33822/mjihi.v2i2.1321

Abstract

This paper aims to analyse Indonesia’s dilemmas and prospects in engaging maritime strategic partner between China and India while pursuing its maritime reorientation. The expanding presence of China in Indian Ocean and its aggressiveness in maritime territorial dispute in East Asia has triggered India to transform Rao’s “Look East policy” to Modi’s “Act East policy”.  Modi’s ambitious foreign policy increased eastward focus and his commitment in pursuing economic growth has been combined with India’s strategy in balancing against China’s Silk Road strategy. Both emerging powers, China and India, see Indonesia potential as strategic maritime partner in their strategic vision. Utilizing New Maritime Silk Road strategy or One Belt One Road (OBOR) Initiative in 2013, China engages ASEAN, including Indonesia, in infrastructure construction mega-project to enhance connectivity. While India, began in 1996 as dialogue partner in ASEAN Regional Partner (ARF), gets more involved in as ASEAN partner by joining ASEAN Defence Ministers Meeting Plus (ADMM+) in 2010 and Expanded ASEAN Maritime Forum (EAMF) in 2015. India and Indonesia have shared the common view of culture, colonial history, and political sovereignty, economic self-sufficiency, and independent foreign policy. Theyhave been also originated from the same ancient polity that habituate them to cooperate even under anarchy situation. However, this mandala-inspired cultural legacy would also drive them toward potential conflict as the two countries try to structure their spatial process centripetally using maritime strategy. In this regards, the paper will also discuss the continuity and dissonance of maritime perspective in Indonesia and India experience. Jakarta’s will to strengthen its maritime posture marks its leitmotif to play its role as center within Southeast Asia mandala will be contested by India and China strategic interests in the sea.  In the cultural memory of region, exerting power on the sea and ownership of huge armada symbolically marks and legitimates a country’s supremacy within heterarchy or regional hierarchy that tends to be equal. Using both contemporary and classical literature, this research intends to reveal how the contending emerging powers seek to aspire regional leadership using maritime tradition.  While embarking from leadership-generational change and historical experience, this paper will shed the light why maritime strategy acts as guiding principles for national security in the global geopolitical shift and regional geo-strategy. 
Analisis Wacana Free West Papua Campaign pada Operasi Militer Indonesia dalam Konflik Nduga: Sebuah Tinjauan Kritis Rumila, Diana Nur; Effendi, Yusli
Jurnal Transformasi Global Vol. 7 No. 1 (2020): Jurnal Transformasi Global (JTG)
Publisher : Department of International Relations, Brawijaya University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21776/jtg.v7i1.153

Abstract

Mainstream narratives on Indonesia's military operation in West Papua describe it to help the conflicting region achieve peace and prosperity. This hegemonic and widely held public opinion is more often used to justify the behavior of the Indonesian Government in West Papua. This research aims to offer an alternative perspective on the matter by looking at the narrative promoted and written by Free West Papua Campaign (FWPC) on their news reports about the Nduga Conflict in 2018-2019 from their website: freewestpapua.org. Norman Fairclough's critical discourse analysis examines the discourse created from the news coverage within the three-dimensional analysis, namely the textual, the discourse practices, and sociocultural dimensions. Results show that FWPC depicts Indonesia's military as exploiters of the indigenous Papuans. At the same time, FWPC also tries to build a sense of belonging to gain support from the international society and online activists.
Kelambanan Birokrasi dalam Mitigasi Pekerja Migran Indonesia (PMI) Perempuan di Banyuwangi dari Kerentanan Jalur Migrasi Non-Prosedural: Bureaucratic Inertia in Mitigating the Vulnerability of Female Indonesian Migrant Workers (PMI) in Banyuwangi to Illegal Migration Channels Effendi, Yusli; Triarda, Reza
Komatika: Jurnal Pengabdian Kepada Masyarakat Vol. 4 No. 2 (2024): November 2024
Publisher : Pusat Penelitian dan Pengabdian Kepada Masyarakat, Institut Informatika Indonesia Surabaya

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.34148/komatika.v4i2.915

Abstract

Kegiatan Pengabdian kepada Masyarakat (PkM) ini bertujuan untuk meningkatkan kesadaran dan daya antisipasi Calon Pekerja Migran Indonesia (PMI) Perempuan di Banyuwangi terhadap kerentanan jalur non-resmi dalam bekerja ke luar negeri serta memperkuat mekanisme mitigasi penempatan PMI non-prosedural. PkM ini dilaksanakan bermitra dengan Dinas Tenaga Kerja, Transmigrasi, dan Perindustrian Banyuwangi serta Pos Pelayanan Perlindungan Pekerja Migran Indonesia (P4MI). Urgensi kegiatan ini muncul setelah teridentifikasinya kelambanan birokrasi (bureaucratic inertia) antar stakeholder yang disebabkan oleh perbedaan struktur, garis kewenangan, dan kekakuan prosedur operasional baku (SOP) dalam penanganan kasus PMI, yang berdampak pada tingginya jumlah penempatan PMI ilegal. Untuk mengatasi masalah ini, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik terlibat langsung dalam memberikan edukasi kepada masyarakat mengenai bahaya jalur non-prosedural yang diakibatkan oleh kelambanan birokrasi dalam penanganan migrasi. Kegiatan PkM ini dilaksanakan di Desa Tembokrejo, Kecamatan Muncar, Kabupaten Banyuwangi melalui metode sosialisasi dan pelatihan. Tujuan utama dari sosialisasi dan pelatihan ini adalah untuk mengurangi kerentanan Calon PMI Perempuan terhadap jalur migrasi non-prosedural, serta mendorong mereka untuk memilih jalur migrasi yang aman dan prosedural. Pelatihan ini diharapkan memberikan dampak positif bagi masyarakat dengan meningkatkan kesadaran dan kemampuan antisipasi mereka, sehingga mereka dapat menghindari bahaya bekerja melalui jalur non-resmi dan tetap menggunakan jalur yang prosedural dan aman dalam bekerja di luar negeri. Kata Kunci: Pekerja Migran Indonesia (PMI), Migrasi Jalur Non-Prosedural, Bureaucratic Inertia, Sosialisasi, Pelatihan.
Perkembangan Gerakan Boikot McDonalds pada Media Sosial X di Indonesia Pasca Perang Gaza 2023 Almira, Aurora Desta; Effendi, Yusli
Jurnal Ilmiah Muqoddimah: Jurnal Ilmu Sosial, Politik dan Hummaniora Vol 9, No 1 (2025): Februari 2025
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Tapanuli Selatan

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31604/jim.v9i1.2025.480-498

Abstract

Peningkatan intensitas ketegangan konflik Israel-Palestina memberikan dampak signifikan dan memicu aksi boikot sebagai aksi protes non-kekerasan terhadap produk perusahaan pro-Israel, salah satunya McDonald’s. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan perkembangan gerakan boikot McDonald’s di Indonesia pasca Perang Gaza 7 Oktober 2023 oleh BDS Indonesia melalui media sosial X yang bertransformasi menjadi aksi fisik di lapangan menggunakan kerangka model gerakan sosial dalam media sosial yang meliputi trigger event, media response, viral organization, dan physical response. Penelitian ini mengadopsi pendekatan kualitatif deskriptif dengan metode netnografi yang berfokus pada analisa konten cuitan akun X @GerakanBDS_ID dan dilengkapi hasil wawancara dengan BDS Indonesia serta data sekunder yang diperoleh melalui teknik studi kepustakaan. Perkembangan media sosial yang masif dan variatif mengakibatkan viralitas isu mendahului pemberitaan media tradisional. Hal ini mempengaruhi pola tahapan gerakan sosial menjadi eratik, yang mana terdapat tumpang tindih antar tahapan siklus tidak seperti kerangka model yang diaplikasikan. Kuantitas ekspansi gerai yang menurun mendukung pernyataan manajemen McDonalds Indonesia bahwa gerakan boikot di Indonesia mempengaruhi operasional perusahaan secara signifikan terutama terhadap omzet perusahaan. Temuan ini berkontribusi pada kajian gerakan sosial, tepatnya transisi perkembangan gerakan melalui media sosial menjadi aksi kolektif di dunia nyata.
Perkembangan Gerakan Boikot McDonalds pada Media Sosial X di Indonesia Pasca Perang Gaza 2023 Almira, Aurora Desta; Effendi, Yusli
Jurnal Ilmiah Muqoddimah: Jurnal Ilmu Sosial, Politik dan Hummaniora Vol 9, No 1 (2025): Februari 2025
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Tapanuli Selatan

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31604/jim.v9i1.2025.480-498

Abstract

Peningkatan intensitas ketegangan konflik Israel-Palestina memberikan dampak signifikan dan memicu aksi boikot sebagai aksi protes non-kekerasan terhadap produk perusahaan pro-Israel, salah satunya McDonald’s. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan perkembangan gerakan boikot McDonald’s di Indonesia pasca Perang Gaza 7 Oktober 2023 oleh BDS Indonesia melalui media sosial X yang bertransformasi menjadi aksi fisik di lapangan menggunakan kerangka model gerakan sosial dalam media sosial yang meliputi trigger event, media response, viral organization, dan physical response. Penelitian ini mengadopsi pendekatan kualitatif deskriptif dengan metode netnografi yang berfokus pada analisa konten cuitan akun X @GerakanBDS_ID dan dilengkapi hasil wawancara dengan BDS Indonesia serta data sekunder yang diperoleh melalui teknik studi kepustakaan. Perkembangan media sosial yang masif dan variatif mengakibatkan viralitas isu mendahului pemberitaan media tradisional. Hal ini mempengaruhi pola tahapan gerakan sosial menjadi eratik, yang mana terdapat tumpang tindih antar tahapan siklus tidak seperti kerangka model yang diaplikasikan. Kuantitas ekspansi gerai yang menurun mendukung pernyataan manajemen McDonalds Indonesia bahwa gerakan boikot di Indonesia mempengaruhi operasional perusahaan secara signifikan terutama terhadap omzet perusahaan. Temuan ini berkontribusi pada kajian gerakan sosial, tepatnya transisi perkembangan gerakan melalui media sosial menjadi aksi kolektif di dunia nyata
United Kingdom’s Strategy in Responding Foreign Terrorist Fighters Returnees from Syria Conflict in 2018-2022 Yasmine, Aura Firdausi; Effendi, Yusli
Proceedings of Sunan Ampel International Conference of Political and Social Sciences Vol. 2 (2024): Proceedings of the SAICoPSS
Publisher : Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15642/saicopss.2024.2..305-317

Abstract

The increasing number of British Foreign Terrorist Fighters (FTF) Returnees from Syria demanded a special response from Britain’s Government, compared to their previous ones. Britain with their infamous liberal values, without hesitation has abandoned certain limitations to liberty and human rights in order to protect their country from extremism carried by FTF returnees, by treating them as extraordinary criminals. Through literature study and Criminal Justice Model theory, this research identifies the contents in United Kingdom’s (UK) Counter Terrorism Strategy (CONTEST), UK government’s report, as well as independent review, and found that Britain’s counter terrorism is predominantly used on a domestic level, mainly pushing the implementation of Temporary Exclusion Orders (TEO) and Prevent Duty. The UK has proven that they are not fully bound to the liberal values and is also capable of enforcing state violence as an effort against terrorism. Since they are dealing with FTF returnees this time, who are ultimately the citizens of Britain, their counterterrorism efforts deal significantly with inward looking measures instead of global or international. These measures include controlling an alleged FTF returnee movement on their way home, and also stripping the rights to travel, residence, and movement. Although considered to be a comprehensive strategy, another outcome of the UK's form of counterterrorism is the unwanted generalization of the British muslim community.
Implementasi Aplikasi E-Masjid dalam Penguatan Administrasi dan Transparansi Keuangan Effendi, Yusli; Triarda, Reza; Fahadayna, Adhi Cahya
Al-Khidmah Jurnal Pengabdian Masyarakat Vol. 5 No. 3 (2025): SEPTEMBER-DESEMBER
Publisher : Institute for Research and Community Service (LPPM) of the Islamic University of Jember

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56013/jak.v5i3.4953

Abstract

The digitalization of mosque administration has become essential for improving transparency, efficiency, and accountability in institutional governance. This study aims to analyze the effectiveness of training on the use of the E-Masjid application in enhancing the competencies and readiness of mosque administrators to adopt technology-based administrative systems. The study employed a participatory, practice-oriented training model consisting of conceptual briefings, demonstrations, and simulations, involving 26 participants from six mosques representing diverse institutional categories. The results indicate substantial improvements in participants’ understanding of mosque digitalization concepts, technical abilities in operating the application, and readiness for implementation, with an average score increase of 60–80%. The digitalization of financial management, congregational data, and asset inventories significantly strengthened accountability, improved congregational trust, and facilitated structured management of social programs. The findings reveal that successful integration of digital systems requires adequate infrastructure and improved digital literacy among mosque administrators. This study contributes to the growing body of literature on community-based digital governance and offers a replicable model for digital transformation in various mosque settings. The implications highlight the importance of sustained mentoring to ensure that digitalization becomes an integral component of modern, responsive mosque governance.