Articles
<![CDATA[POLITICAL LIBERALISM IN CANADA: THE CASE OF SYRIAN REFUGEES ]]>
<![CDATA[Fahadayna, Adhi Cahya]]>
<![CDATA[ Transformasi Global Vol 6, No 1 (2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Program Studi Hubungan Internasional ]]>
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<![CDATA[The refugee crisis in Canada has created political dynamics affected by the ideological spectrum in Canadian Politics. Liberalism is the most widely accepted political ideology among Canadians. Refugee and political liberalism have shared fundamental relations consdering political liberalism inextricable link with humanity as its core value. Admittedly, political liberalism requires a country or a government to fulfill its responsibility toward humanity by protecting or admitting refugees. Eventually, during the refugee crisis in Canada, political liberalism contributed a crucial role in the open-door policy toward refugees. Firstly, this paper will focus on the crucial attesting role of political liberalism toward the open-door policy of the Canadian government toward refugees. Secondly, this paper also focuses on measuring the extent to which political liberalism is widely accepted as a political ideology in Canada. Finally, the paper also seeks to discover the political justification of the open-door policy of Canada on the basis of political ideology. The paper draws on a literature study to explain the focuses of this paper. Key Words: Political liberalism, Canada, refugee crisis, and the open-door policy]]>
<![CDATA[POLITICAL LIBERALISM IN CANADA: THE CASE OF SYRIAN REFUGEES ]]>
<![CDATA[Fahadayna, Adhi Cahya]]>
<![CDATA[ Transformasi Global Vol 6, No 2 (2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Program Studi Hubungan Internasional ]]>
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<![CDATA[The refugee crisis in Canada has to create the political dynamics caused by the ideological spectrum in Canadian Politics. Liberalism is the most widely accepted political ideology in Canadian. Refugee and political liberalism have been shared fundamental relations because political liberalism must oblige with humanity as its core value. Admittedly, political liberalism required a country or a government to fulfill its responsibility toward humanity by protecting or admitting refugees. Eventually, during the refugee crisis in Canada, political liberalism contributed a crucial role in the open-door policy toward refugees. This paper will focus on the crucial attesting role of political liberalism toward the open-door policy of the Canadian government toward refugees. Second, this paper also focuses on measuring the extent to which political liberalism widely accepted as a political ideology in Canada. Third, the paper also tries to discover the political justification of the open-door policy of Canada on the basis of political ideology. The paper will be using a literature study to explain the focuses of this paper.]]>
<![CDATA[Tingkat Demokrasi dan Pemenuhan Universal Health Coverage ]]>
<![CDATA[Tiffany Pamela Anggraeni]]>;
<![CDATA[Adhi Cahya Fahadayna]]>
<![CDATA[ Resolusi: Jurnal Sosial Politik Vol 6 No 1 (2023) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science - Universitas Sains Al-Qur’an ]]>
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DOI: 10.32699/resolusi.v6i1.4547
<![CDATA[Ketimpangan akses kesehatan harus menjadi fokus utama dari pemerintah suatu negara. Pemenuhan akses kesehatan diwujudkan oleh pemerintah global melalui pemenuhan Universal Health Coverage (UHC). UHC adalah target dari pemerintah untuk mewujudkan layanan kesehatan bagi seluruh elemen masyarakat tanpa adanya hambatan finansial. Pemenuhan UHC di suatu negara sering dikaitkan dengan kualitas sistem negara karena akan berpengaruh terhadap hasil UHC. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk melihat dampak sistem negara terhadap pemenuhan UHC di suatu negara. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah kuantitatif dengan teknik analisis regresi sederhana. Data yang diambil adalah kualitas demokrasi egaliter dari V-Dem serta indeks Universal Health Coverage dari Global Burden of Disease. Kurun waktu yang digunakan adalah tahun 1990, 2010, dan 2019 dengan total negara sebanyak 171. Berbeda dengan literatur terdahulu, hasil assessment menunjukkan bahwa kualitas demokrasi tidak berpengaruh signifikan terhadap pemenuhan UHC di negara autokrasi dan negara yang sedang mengalami demokratisasi. Maknanya, terdapat faktor lain yang lebih signifikan untuk mempengaruhi pemenuhan UHC di negara autokrasi dan negara demokratisasi. Sedangkan, kualitas demokrasi pada negara demokratis berpengaruh signifikan terhadap pemenuhan UHC. Kondisi tersebut terjadi karena masing-masing negara memiliki pandangan tersendiri untuk mewujudkan layanan kesehatan, sehingga efek kualitas demokrasi akan berbeda-beda.]]>
<![CDATA[Masyarakat Adat Dayak dan Penanggulangan Transboundary Haze Pollution di Kalimantan Barat ]]>
<![CDATA[Adhi Cahya Fahadayna]]>;
<![CDATA[Reza Triarda]]>;
<![CDATA[Jovanka Mayank Candri]]>
<![CDATA[ Ganaya : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Humaniora Vol 6 No 3 (2023) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Jayapangus Press ]]>
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DOI: 10.37329/ganaya.v6i3.2621
<![CDATA[This research will explore the role and involvement of the indigenous people, the Dayak Tribe, in resolving the problem of wildfire and transboundary haze pollution. This article's case study will focus on Kapuas Hulu, Kalimantan Barat. The research aims to explain indigenous people's participation in resolving transboundary haze pollution in West Borneo. This article will use qualitative methods and a descriptive approach. Data collection and analysis will be done through 1) observation to map the actors involved in resolving transboundary haze pollution, 2) interviews with actors affected by transboundary haze pollution, and 3) assessment to clarify data and secondary sources from the government. The research concludes that the involvement of the Dayak People as an indigenous tribe in West Kalimantan is relatively minimum in solving the transboundary haze pollution. Government programs focusing on transboundary haze pollution should engage with Indigenous tribes actively and deliberately.]]>
<![CDATA[AUSTRALIA-INDONESIA COUNTER-TERRORISM COOPERATION ]]>
<![CDATA[Adhi Cahya Fahadayna]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Transformasi Global Vol. 5 No. 2 (2018): Transformasi Global (JTG) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Brawijaya University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21776/jtg.v5i2.102
<![CDATA[Bali bombing 2002 is a tragic phenomenon for both countries, Australia and Indonesia. Bali bombing killed 202 peoples, which are 88 Australian and 33 Indonesian. This event becomes a critical phase for the Australia-Indonesia security cooperation after the East Timor incident in 1999. Australia initiates several programs to support Indonesian counter-terrorism effort. Indonesia also faces a challenge after m 1999. The Indonesian police –as the main body of law enforcement– do not have any experience in combatting terrorism. Australia facilitates the USA –as principal actors of global counter-terrorism– to support Indonesia's counter-terrorism policy. Australia and Indonesia have reached formal security cooperation with the ratification of Lombok treaty. This paper will examine Australia-Indonesia security cooperation in the respond to a terrorist threat using Islamic radicalization theory and regional security complex theory.]]>
<![CDATA[Right-Wing Populism and Vigilantism: Comparing Cases of Indonesia and India ]]>
<![CDATA[Zahra Nasywa Imtiyaz]]>;
<![CDATA[Adhi Cahya Fahadayna]]>
<![CDATA[ JED (Jurnal Etika Demokrasi) Vol 8, No 4 (2023): JED (Jurnal Etika Demokrasi) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas of Muhammadiyah Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.26618/jed.v8i4.11981
<![CDATA[This study explores the rise and impact of right spectrum populism in Indonesia and India, focusing in which religious-majority vigilante groups advocate for different interests within the socio-political context. Drawing on comparative method analysis, this research aims to examines the similarities and differences between these two countries, which are considered as significant representations of democracies in Asia. By employing Mill's methods of difference, the study investigates the factors contributing to the emergence and growth of right-wing populism, analyzing political and socio-cultural contexts. Through utilizing this research approach, the study aims to provide a comprehensive understanding of the complex dynamics surrounding right-wing populism in Indonesia and India, shedding light on the challenges faced by democratic societies in the face of rising populist movements. The research highlights the role of religious identity, electoral dynamics, and the mobilization of mass support in shaping the ideologies and actions of right-wing populist movements. Furthermore, this research found that populist movements have achieved some degree of political dominance through changes in electoral and legislative realms, they also employed vigilantism as a method to establish the supremacy of the majority religion they claim to represent. At the final section, this study prove the main difference in bothe country emerges in the resistance and magnitude of societal polarization and violence.]]>
<![CDATA[Digital Nomadism: Trends of European Labor Migration in Low-Cost Countries ]]>
<![CDATA[Akbar Fasya Habibilla]]>;
<![CDATA[Adhi Cahya Fahadayna]]>
<![CDATA[ Sospol Vol. 9 No. 2 (2023): Juli-Desember ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Muhammadiyah Malang ]]>
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DOI: 10.22219/jurnalsospol.v9i2.28608
<![CDATA[Work activities are becoming increasingly mobile as a result of advancements in information technology. European productivity is changing to more flexible work approaches with internet processes. Many productive-age citizens from European countries with high living costs engage in digital nomadism activities. This research aims to explore the pull and push factors of the digital nomadism process and determine the motives for digital nomadism activities carried out by Europeans. Using netnography analysis tools and qualitative approaches, researchers are attempting to determine what factors influence and how European workers carry out digital nomadic activity patterns in Madeira, Portugal. As a result, researchers bring forth the descriptive outcomes of the analysis. In this article, researchers conclude that digital nomadism is a practice or, more accurately, a new way of life mostly practiced by remote workers with flexible work schedules. The idea of work-life balance is equally important to digital nomads. The growth of digital platforms that increasingly enable work to be done online drives the development of digital nomadism activities. This article will also go into greater detail on several pulls and push elements, as well as numerous issues about activities for digital nomads.]]>
<![CDATA[From Russia with Love: A Historical Analysis of Russia Foreign Policy toward North Korea ]]>
<![CDATA[Fahadayna, Adhi Cahya]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Focus Vol 3, No 2 (2023) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Brawijaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.21776/ub.jgf.2023.003.02.1
<![CDATA[The collapse of the Soviet Union and the fall of communism has changed the policy of Russia toward North Korea. However, North Korea has been associated as the closest ally of Russia, even after the collapse of the Soviet Union. This article will explain the transformation of the Russian and Soviet Union relationship using a zero-sum approach. This article shows that Russia prefers to maintain a close relationship with North Korea, with extensive opportunities to improve its economic and security interests within the region of East Asia. Russia will avoid high-risk conflict because it focuses on economic stability. As the closest and critical ally of Russia, North Korea tends to depend on Russia as the sole partner in economic and security. This research will employ a historical approach to unpack the foreign policy dynamics of Russia toward North Korea. The historical analysis is critical to explaining significant factors toward stable relations between two countries.]]>
<![CDATA[Religious Identity Politics In Indonesia's 2019 Election Campaign On Twitter And Its Socio-Political Implications ]]>
<![CDATA[Prayogi, Danu]]>;
<![CDATA[Fahadayna, Adhi Cahya]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Penelitian Politik Vol 20, No 2 (2023): Jurnal Penelitian Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Pusat Riset Politik BRIN ]]>
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DOI: 10.14203/jpp.v20i2.1497
<![CDATA[This paper explains the use of hate spin as a tool of identity politics in the presidential elections 2019 on Twitter by hate spin agents. Used CherianGeorge's hate spin concept, which includes tactical flexibility, distributed efforts, and symbolic contention, and the tweets were analyzed using sentiment analysis. According to the findings of sentiment analysis, three variables are being leveraged by hate spin agents on Twitter during the 2019 presidential election campaign. After training test data, tweets were dominated by negative sentiment; tweets with hashtag abundant resulted in 807 negative and 323 positive, with a Naïve Bayes model of 0.995 (99.5%). Hate spin campaigns have negative consequences for Indonesia and the country's democracy because they foster sharp differences and intolerance toward the identities of other groups, causing societal divisions that have the potential to lead to identity conflict, genocide, or national division if not managed well and taken seriously by the government and the nations itself.]]>
<![CDATA[Political Parties and Women’s Representation in the Indonesian Parliament 2009-2019 ]]>
<![CDATA[Ruriana, Alvinda Putri]]>;
<![CDATA[Fahadayna, Adhi Cahya]]>;
<![CDATA[Tawakkal, George Towar Ikbal]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review Vol 8, No 2 (2023): General Issue: Indonesian Politics ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v8i2.45916
<![CDATA[As the transmission belt linking people's aspirations to the government, the political party has a crucial role in preparing actors to become candidates for people's representatives. Since the enactment of affirmative policies both in elections and internal parties, the number of women in parliament has never met the 30% quota as expected. During the ten years from 2009 to 2019, the number of women in the House of Representatives (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, DPR) seats only ranged from 17-20 percent. This article examines the influence of political parties' characteristics on women's representation in the Indonesian parliament in the 2009-2019 period. This research uses four party characteristics by Sundström Stockemer as variables that will be analyzed through linear regression models. The research results show that the vote size variable is the only variable significantly influencing women's representation in parliament. The estimated trend of women's representation in parliament shows an increase in the upcoming 2024 elections. However, it is still far from the target of 30%. Hence, it needs a progressive affirmative policy in the form of reserved seats to encourage proportionality in the policy-making forum.]]>
