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<![CDATA[GLOBALISASI DAN KEMISKINAN DESA: ANALISA STRUKTUR EKONOMI POLITIK PEDESAAN ]]>
<![CDATA[Jati, Wasisto Raharjo]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Penelitian Politik Vol 11, No 2 (2014): Tantangan Politik Lokal Pasca SBY ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Pusat Penelitian Politik ]]>
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DOI: 10.14203/jpp.v11i2.198
<![CDATA[Artikel ini bertujuan menganalisis relasi politik antara desa dengan globalisasi. Analisa dalam artikel inikemudian dititikberatkan pada struktur ekonomi politik untuk melihat relasinya khususnya posisi desa dalamglobalisasi. Hasil paper menunjukkan bahwa secara historis, analisa terhadap pengaruh desa dalam globalisasisendiri dapat dibedakan menjadi dua paradigma yakni positif dan negatif. Dalam perspektif positif, desa sendirimengafirmasi berbagai strategi global dalam upaya membangun ekonomi mereka. Sedangkan dalam pengertiannegatif, desa telah menjadi termarjinalkan dan tertekan dalam sistem kapitalis.Kata Kunci : desa, globalisasi, ekonomi politik, desa global.]]>
<![CDATA[Memaknai Kelas Menengah Sebagai Aktor Demokrasi Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Jati, Wasisto Raharjo]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Penelitian Politik Vol 14, No 1 (2017): Transformasi Identitas Keindonesiaan ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Pusat Penelitian Politik ]]>
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DOI: 10.14203/jpp.v14i1.694
<![CDATA[Abstrak Tulisan ini hendak menganalisis mengenai kelas menengah sebagai aktor demokrasi di Indonesia. Membincangkan kelas menengah dalam setiap diskursus ilmu sosial dan politik di Indonesia senantiasa dihadapkan pada pembahasan ekonomi secara kuantitatif. Hal yang perlu dicatat adalah keberadaan kelas menengah ini daripada didefinifisikan lebih baik dirasakan keberadaannya dalam kehidupan.Posisi kelas menengah sebagai aktor politik di Indonesia masih fluktuatif. Hal ini dikarenakan kemunculan kelas menengah dalam arus demokrasi Indonesia yang masih ambigu. Kelas menengah ini bisa menjadi kelompok masyarakat yang tersubordinasi dengan negara, namun di satu sisi, kelas menengah juga tampil sebagai kelas masyarakat yang resisten dengan negara. Adanya transisi posisi dan status kelas menengah tersebut sebenarnya bisa disimak dari gerakan reformasi 1998 hingga sekarang ini. Munculnya berbagai macam gerakan politik dengan mengarustamakan demokrasi yang diinisiasi oleh kelas menengah menjadi hal yang terelakkan pasca reformasi ini. Semula, gerakan tersebut hanya berupa aksi penyampaian aspirasi dan kini sudah berkembang menjadi menjadi aksi penuntutan representasi. Adanya perubahan dalam pilihan aksi dan strategi itu menandakan bahwa kesadaran politik di kalangan kelas menengah Indonesia sendiri sudah semikian merata. Mereka tidak hanya menjadi aktor pasif secara politis namun juga aktif dalam menyuarakan aspirasi dan sekaligus pula representasinya.Menguatnya aksi representasi dari kelas menengah ini merupakan implikasi penting semakin menguatnya ranah societal terhadap proses political, dan semakin berperannya netizen dalam menyuarakan kebebasan berekspresi, dan lain sebagainya. Tulisan ini akan mengelaborasi lebih lanjut mengenai akar demokrasi dalam setiap episode kemunculan kelas menengah dalam demokrasi Indonesia. Sejauh mana mereka andil dalam proses demokratisasi di ruang publik. Kata kunci : Demokratisasi, Kelas Menengah, Masyarakat]]>
<![CDATA[Wanita, Wani Ing Tata: a Construction of Javanese Women in Postcolonial Studies ]]>
<![CDATA[Jati, Wasisto Raharjo]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Perempuan Vol 20, No 1 (2015): Culture, Tradition and Custom ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Yayasan Jurnal Perempuan ]]>
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DOI: 10.34309/jp.v20i1.53
<![CDATA[Notion of “wani ing tata†basically is manifestation of noble conception to regard women having dignity in society. That actualization then explained in dual roles which operated in both areas; domestic and social engangement. The words “wanita†basically has been encountered in three social realms such as “wanodya†and “putriâ€. Those three concepts symbolized multifunctional roles that ascribed women as educator, nurse, and balancer. Javanese women leadership proved by prominent famous figure like Queen Shima, Tribhuana Tungga Dewi, and Suhita. In this case, its conception has ramified into both others notion; ardhaneswari and prameswari. Prameswari can be understood as main women; meanwhile ardhananeswari can be explained as tough and strong women. The emergence of patriarchal system into sociey reduced concept of “wani ing tataâ€. It puts women as inferior symbolized by “kasurâ€, “pupur’, and “sumurâ€.]]>
<![CDATA[Investigating the Political Base of Indonesian Middle Class: A Comparative Study ]]>
<![CDATA[Jati, Wasisto Raharjo]]>
<![CDATA[ KOMUNITAS: International Journal of Indonesian Society and Culture Vol 9, No 2 (2017): Komunitas, September 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Negeri Semarang ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/komunitas.v9i2.6273
<![CDATA[This article aims at analyzing the political base in the case of Indonesian middle class. It is essential to note that many multi-interpretation understandings to define terminology of Indonesian middle class. The definition of Indonesian middle class still undermines as “middle group†which is related to new rich people. Based on comparative analyzes, the emergence of Indonesia middle class have been separated with western middle class. In western case, middle class has possessed stable economic and politics material sources independently toward the state. The situation is what transforms the middle class as presser to the states and interest group. It can be said that both processes of the deepening of democratization and economic strength have been encouraged by middle class. In the Indonesian experience, it has been shown that Indonesian middle class keep up mutual relationship to the state. In other words, Indonesian middle class have entered elite power structure. However, in the current time, Indonesian middle class in post-reformation era shows the emergence of political awareness to guard democracy justly. This article will elaborate deeply political basis of Indonesian middle class.]]>
<![CDATA[Inkonsistensi Paradigma Otonomi Daerah di Indonesia: Dilema Sentralisasi atau Desentralisasi ]]>
<![CDATA[Jati, Wasisto Raharjo]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 9, No 4 (2012) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Mahkamah Konstitusi Republik Indonesia ]]>
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DOI: 10.31078/jk%x
<![CDATA[This study aimed to analyze trajectory of regional autonomy in Indonesia. There are two important things in discussing about regional autonomy in Indonesia. Firstly, dilemma between decentralization or centralization as basic paradigm in the policy of regional autonomy. Secondly, regional autonomy just creates oligarchy regime, primordialism, and politic of clientelism. Implementation of regional autonomy has been became new problems for Indonesia which adopted unitary state system. Regional autonomy in post New-Order era intended to enhancing participation of society in development project and local democracy was hijacked by many interest from elite. In other words, regional autonomy more aligned to elite rather than the people.]]>
<![CDATA[ULAMA DAN PESANTREN DALAM DINAMIKA POLITIK DAN KULTUR NAHDLATUL ULAMA ]]>
<![CDATA[Jati, Wasisto Raharjo]]>
<![CDATA[ ULUL ALBAB Jurnal Studi Islam Vol 13, No 1 (2012): Islamic Studies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Islam Negeri Maulana Malik Ibrahim Malang ]]>
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DOI: 10.18860/ua.v0i0.2377
<![CDATA[The article endeavors to trace power relationship between muslim religious leaders (ulama) and islamic boarding school (pesantren) in the political dynamics of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU). Both entity are not only an essential element needed to pressure political and cultural for NU, but also the National Awakening Party (PKB) as a political party for nahdliyyin. The existence of organizational conflicts that occurred in the PKB also influence the dynamics of the NU that resulted fragmentation among ulama and pesantren. The implication is there a divergence of politics and culture among ulama and pesantren in the base region of Central Java and East Java. Â Â Â ]]>
<![CDATA[Wanita, Wani Ing Tata: a Construction of Javanese Women in Postcolonial Studies ]]>
<![CDATA[Jati, Wasisto Raharjo]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Perempuan Vol 20, No 1 (2015): Culture, Tradition and Custom ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Yayasan Jurnal Perempuan ]]>
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<![CDATA[Notion of “wani ing tata” basically is manifestation of noble conception to regard women having dignity in society. That actualization then explained in dual roles which operated in both areas; domestic and social engangement. The words “wanita” basically has been encountered in three social realms such as “wanodya” and “putri”. Those three concepts symbolized multifunctional roles that ascribed women as educator, nurse, and balancer. Javanese women leadership proved by prominent famous figure like Queen Shima, Tribhuana Tungga Dewi, and Suhita. In this case, its conception has ramified into both others notion; ardhaneswari and prameswari. Prameswari can be understood as main women; meanwhile ardhananeswari can be explained as tough and strong women. The emergence of patriarchal system into sociey reduced concept of “wani ing tata”. It puts women as inferior symbolized by “kasur”, “pupur’, and “sumur”.]]>
<![CDATA[KEARIFAN LOKAL SEBAGAI RESOLUSI KONFLIK KEAGAMAAN ]]>
<![CDATA[Jati, Wasisto Raharjo]]>
<![CDATA[ Walisongo: Jurnal Penelitian Sosial Keagamaan Vol 21, No 2 (2013): Agama Lokal ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[LP2M - Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Walisongo ]]>
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DOI: 10.21580/ws.21.2.251
<![CDATA[This article aims to analyze relation between local wisdom within religion conflicts resolution in post conflict divided society of Maluku. In the case of Maluku conflict religion was not core sources, but rivalry among societal element to compete for bureaucracy position and economic-politic resources. Religion is only becoming supporting conflict which provides moral legitimation and politic identity to strike others. The history of Maluku conflict indicated by subordination and domination relations that resulted discrimination and marginalization amidst society. The fallacy of the new order regime in 1999 can be said conflict escalation in Maluku that murdered million innocent peoples. Maluku conflict had resolved by Malino peace treaty in 2002 and 2003, however potency of conflict in grassroots can be reduced by local wisdom values. Pela gandong as local wisdom had a pivotal role in reconciliation process to recapitalize social capital which cracked during conflict. In addition to local wisdom, representation in bureaucracy also hold role player to reducing social gap between society elemental in Maluku.***Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis kearifan lokal sebagai resolusi konflik keagamaan di masyarakat pasca konflik Maluku. Dalam kasus konflik Maluku, agama bukanlah sumber utama, namun rivalitas antar elemen masyarakat dalam memperebutkan sumber daya ekonomi-politik dan birokrasi yang menjadi permasalahannya. Agama hanya menjadi faktor pendukung yang menyediakan adanya legitimasi moral dan identitas politik untuk melakukan kekerasan terhadap orang lain. Sejarah konflik Maluku ditandai dengan relasi subordinasi dan dominasi yang menghasilkan adanya diskriminasi dan marjinalisasi di tengah masyarakat. Jatuhnya rezim Orde Baru tahun 1999 dapat dikatakan sebagai puncak konflik Maluku yang telah membunuh jutaan nyawa manusia tidak bersalah. Konflik Maluku telah diselesaikan melalui perjanjian damai Malino tahun 2002 dan 2003, namun demikian potensi konflik di akar masyarakat dapat dikurangi melalui nilai-nilai kearifan lokal. Pela gandong sebagai kearifan lokal mempunyai peran penting dalam rekonsiliasi dengan menyatukan kembali solidaritas masyarakat yang terpecah selama konflik. Selain halnya kearifan lokal, representasi dalam birokrasi juga memegang peran utama dalam mereduksi kesenjangan sosial antara elemen masyarakat di Maluku.]]>
<![CDATA[AGAMA DAN POLITIK: TEOLOGI PEMBEBASAN SEBAGAI ARENA PROFETISASI AGAMA ]]>
<![CDATA[Jati, Wasisto Raharjo]]>
<![CDATA[ Walisongo: Jurnal Penelitian Sosial Keagamaan Vol 22, No 1 (2014): Relasi Agama dan Negara ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[LP2M - Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Walisongo ]]>
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DOI: 10.21580/ws.22.1.262
<![CDATA[This article aims to analyze the comparative study of the liberation theology perspective. The notion of liberation theology is a form of transformative theology that concerned within issues of equality and social justice. The relationship amidst religion and politics is reciprocal due to there are conflicts of interest between both entities. Emergence of liberation theology itself arises because of the politicization of religion has become more acute and chronic so it needs to be transformed. The thought of liberation theology is basically grown in the famous case of Latin America with the spirit church of the poor. However, within Islam, it also found a similar essence that Islam also teaches that there egalitarianism, equality, and social justice. Article will elaborate about this comparison of liberation theology.***Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis studi perbandingan perspektif teologi pembebasan. Gagasan teologi pembebasan adalah suatu bentuk teologi transformatif yang bersangkutan dalam isu-isu kesetaraan dan keadilan sosial. Hubungan di tengah-tengah agama dan politik adalah timbal balik karena ada konflik kepentingan antara kedua entitas. Munculnya teologi pembebasan itu sendiri timbul karena adanya politisasi agama telah menjadi lebih akut dan kronis sehingga perlu diubah. Pikiran teologi pembebasan pada dasarnya tumbuh dalam kasus terkenal Amerika Latin dengan semangat gereja kaum miskin. Namun, dalam Islam, itu juga menemukan esensi yang sama bahwa Islam juga mengajarkan bahwa ada egalitarianisme, kesetaraan, dan keadilan sosial. Pasal akan menguraikan tentang perbandingan ini teologi pembebasan.]]>
<![CDATA[HISTORISITAS POLITIK PEREMPUAN INDONESIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Jati, Wasisto Raharjo]]>
<![CDATA[ Paramita: Historical Studies Journal Vol 24, No 2 (2014): PARAMITA ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[History Department, Semarang State University and Historian Society of Indonesia ]]>
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DOI: 10.15294/paramita.v24i2.3123
<![CDATA[This article aims to analyze historicity of political participation and representation of women in the political landscape in Indonesia. This paper used the perspective of feminism theory as core analysis in reviewing its issue. Periodicity of Indonesian women's political participation is very volatile and depends on the political situation contemporary. Indonesian women's political participation in the era of colonialism experienced domestication, revivalism in the Sukarno era, stigmatization in the New Order era, and is now experiencing ambiguity in the Reformation era. Indonesian women's political participation need to find a strong platform to promote the aspirations of his peopleKeywords: partisipation, representation, domestification, stigmatization, and women politic.Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis histo-risitas partisipasi politik dan keterwakilan perempuan dalam lanskap politik di Indonesia. Tu-lisan ini menggunakan perspektif teori feminisme sebagai analisis inti dalam meninjau isu nya. Periodisitas partisipasi politik perempuan Indonesia sangat fluktuatif dan tergantung pada situasi politik kontemporer. Partisipasi politik perempuan Indonesia di era kolonialisme mengalami domestikasi, revivalisme di era Soekarno, stigmatisasi di era Orde Baru, dan sekarang mengalami ambiguitas dalam era Reformasi. Partisipasi politik perempuan Indonesia perlu menemukan platform yang kuat untuk memperjuangkan aspirasi rakyatnyaKata kunci: partisipasi, representasi, domestifikasi, stigmasi, politik perempuan  ]]>
