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THE SHADOW OF ISLAMIC ORTODOXY AND SYNCRETISM IN CONTEMPORARY INDONESIAN POLITICS Umam, Ahmad Khoirul; Junaidi, Akhmad Arif
Al-Ulum Vol 11, No 2 (2011): Al-Ulum
Publisher : Institut Agama Islam Negeri (IAIN) Sultan Amai Gorontalo

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Abstract

Pemetaan a filiasi politik masyarakat adalah penting untuk memahami arah dan karakter kekuasaan di masa mendatang. Orientasi politik massa di Indonesia secara general tidak jauh berbeda dengan apa yang digariskan oleh Clifford Geertz dalam karya master piece-nya bertajuk The Religion of Java. Konsep trikotomi yang terdiri atas Santri, Abangan dan Priyayi itu, selama lima dekade terakhir ini telah menjadi karena pembantaian tesis Geertz. Beragam titik lemah dan kekeliruan konseptual karya ini menjadi pintu masuk untuk kembali merekonstruksikan konsep orientasi politik masyarakat Indonesia. Kendati demikian, karya Geertz ini patut diapresiasi sebagai pendekatan awal yang brilian dalam memahami perilaku politik bangsa Indonesia. Dengan pendekatan kritis, napak tilas inteletual Geertz ini akan kembalidimanfaatkan untuk memetakan arah afiliasi politik masyarakat Indonesia kontemporer.---------------------The mapping of political affiliation is important to capture the power direction and its characteristics in the future. Generally, the mass political orientation in Indonesia is not much different than what was outlined by Clifford Geertz in his master piece entitled The Religion of Java. The concept of trikotomi consisting of the Santri, Abangan, and Priyayi, which over the past five decades has been the fundamentally critiqued by various parties. Numerous weak points and fallacy of conceptual framwork then become the entrance to reconceptualize the Indonesian people political orientation. However, the work of Geertzs initial approach should be appreciated as a brilliant in understanding the Indonesian political behavior. With the critical approaches, the Geertzs approaches will again be utilized to map the direction of community in the contemporary Indonesian political orientation.
The Two Edge Knife of Decentralization Umam, Ahmad Khoirul
Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 15, No 1 (2011): Kebijakan Sosial di Aras Lokal
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Gadjah Mada

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Abstract

A centralistic government model has become a trend in a number of developing countries, in which the ideosycretic aspect becomes pivotal key in the policy making. The situation constitutes authoritarianism, cronyism, and corruption. To break the impasse, the decentralized system is proposed to make people closer to the public policy making. Decentralization is also convinced to be the solution to create a good governance. But a number of facts in the developing countries demonstrates that decentralization indeed has ignite emerges backfires such as decentralized corruption, parochialism, horizontal conflict, local political instability and others. This article elaborates the theoretical framework on decentralizations ouput as the a double-edge knife. In a simple words, the concept of decentralization does not have a permanent relationship with the creation of good governance and development. Without substantive democracy, decentralization is indeed potential to be a destructive political instrument threating the states future.
ISLAM, KORUPSI DAN GOOD GOVERNANCE DI NEGARA-NEGARA ISLAM Umam, Ahmad Khoirul
Al-Ahkam Volume 24, Nomor 2, Oktober 2014
Publisher : Faculty of Shariah and Law, State Islamic University (UIN) Walisongo

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (409.135 KB) | DOI: 10.21580/ahkam.2014.24.2.146

Abstract

The revitalization of religion function —that some people think— is an effective instrument to fight the cancer of corruption and also the implementation of democratization and liberalization of the market. Value systems, moral teachings and spirituality in religion are considered to be opposite of the corruption characters growing in the contemporary society. The more religiosity of a society leads to the expectation for the lower corruption. However, according to the Corruption Perception Index (CPI) data, we will exactly find a tendency of paradoxical phenomena. For example, in the context of Islamic countries, the high of influence for the Muslims belief to their religion is not directly proportional to the commitment of the corruption eradication in the Muslim populized countries mostly. This phenomenon deserves to be shared reflection, to find the answers of classic questions; why does corruption tend becoming habit of Muslim community who are uphold moral principles and integrity in social life and state? It causes this article to discuss the relationship between religion and corruption in general, and also to elaborate it by dealing with the experience of Islamic countries
Lemahnya Komitmen Antikorupsi Presiden di tengah Ekspektasi Pembangunan Ekonomi dan Tekanan Oligarki Umam, Ahmad Khoirul
Integritas : Jurnal Antikorupsi Vol. 5 No. 2 (2019): INTEGRITAS Volume 05 Nomor 2 Tahun 2019
Publisher : Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (844.067 KB) | DOI: 10.32697/integritas.v5i2.477

Abstract

The political commitment of the highest political leader in a country is the key to the success and failure of an anti-corruption institution body. In the first era of President Joko Widodo's leadership, the KPK faced a roller coaster of the agenda of eradication corruption. Various threats that present uncertainty about the future of the KPK has been carried out by external and internal forces of the KPK. This had a significant impact on the effectiveness of the KPK anti-corruption engine. This article tries to explain and evaluate the quality of President Joko Widodo's first-period government support (2014-2019) to the KPK and how it impacts on the continuation of the anti-corruption agenda in Indonesia. This article concludes that economic development targets that require socio-political stability make anti-corruption work is less adequately addressed. As a result, the Corruption Eradication Commission was hit by a counterattack from various political-business interest groups. Responding to the situation, President Joko Widodo chose to play it safe and did not show a precise alignment on the KPK. In this period also, there was no visible cooperation that took root and made the eradication and prevention of corruption as the main agenda that was systematic and sustainable.
The Two Edge Knife of Decentralization Ahmad Khoirul Umam
Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 15, No 1 (2011): JULI (Kebijakan Sosial di Aras Lokal)
Publisher : Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (195.166 KB) | DOI: 10.22146/jsp.10927

Abstract

A centralistic government model has become a trend in a number of developing countries, in which the ideosycretic aspect becomes pivotal key in the policy making. The situation constitutes authoritarianism, cronyism, and corruption. To break the impasse, the decentralized system is proposed to make people closer to the public policy making. Decentralization is also convinced to be the solution to create a good governance. But a number of facts in the developing countries demonstrates that decentralization indeed has ignite emerges backfires such as decentralized corruption, parochialism, horizontal conflict, local political instability and others. This article elaborates the theoretical framework on decentralization's ouput as the a double-edge knife. In a simple words, the concept of decentralization does not have a permanent relationship with the creation of good governance and development. Without substantive democracy, decentralization is indeed potential to be a destructive political instrument threating the state's future.
Paradoks Demokratisasi dan Liberalisasi Pasar terhadap Gerakan Anti-Korupsi di Negara Berkembang Ahmad Khoirul Umam
Global South Review Vol 1, No 1 (2014)
Publisher : Institute of International Studies

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/globalsouth.28819

Abstract

The package of neoliberal reforms involving three main components namely democratization, market liberalization, and the creation of good governance, has often adopted by a number of developing countries in order to overcome their prolonged political and economic crises. The policies which are often promoted by international donor agencies have been expected to streamline the transformation processes in the developing countries to establish a more powerful, well established and stable countries in economics and politics. However, experiences in developing countries actually showed the opposite trends, where the concept of market structure strengthening and the reduction of state authority in the public sector have often resulted in the widening loopholes and opportunities for more systematic and structured corruption practices.In addition, the democratization agenda has also often facilitated the old groups of interests to get back to control of the reformed political system leading to the symptoms of neo-patrimonialism in the process of democratic transition. The impact of these symptoms is the anti-corruption agenda inclines to become more vulnerable to manipulation, intervention, and political pressures. To eliminate such trends, it needs the presence of strong leadership factor backed up by an established surveillance system in order to encourage the 'rule of law' as the supreme commander in the transformation and democratic transitional processes which are usually haunted by various turbulences. This article completely uses a literature approach by analysing secondary data from books and journals in order to look at the dynamics and theoretical debates on pros and cons of the implementation of neo-liberal policies for developing countries’ anti-corruption agenda.
International Law in the Perspective of International Relations Qaribilla, Roys; Umam, Ahmad Khoirul
International Journal of Social Service and Research Vol. 4 No. 05 (2024): International Journal of Social Service and Research (IJSSR)
Publisher : Ridwan Institute

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.46799/ijssr.v4i05.810

Abstract

Before discussing the meaning of international law, it is important to know that law is divided into two large groups, private law and public law. However, the terms these two large groups are better known as international law and international private law. The difference between the two is in the objects they regulate. International law is the law that regulates relations between countries and other legal subjects. International law can be defined as the law that regulates international scale entities. Initially, the definition of international law was only defined as law that regulates behavior and relations between countries. However, in its development, the meaning of international law has expanded to include the relationship between states and international organizations, the relationship between international organizations and other organizations, the relationship between states and individuals in special contexts, and so on. There are six subjects of international law, namely : states, international organizations, the international red cross, the vatican holy see, rebels and individuals. International Law includes a set of rules and principles established through international treaties, the practices of states, as well as legal decisions and interpretations by international institutions. Its aim is to regulate the behavior of states in maintaining peace, managing conflict, promoting cooperation, and protecting human rights. International Law covers various aspects, including the law of war (also known as international humanitarian law), refugee law, maritime law, environmental law, international trade law, international investment law, human rights law, diplomatic law.
Shadows of political corruption amidst the trend of declining democracy in Indonesia: Learning from the dynamics of 2024 Presidential Election Ahmad Khoirul Umam
Integritas: Jurnal Antikorupsi Vol. 10 No. 1 (2024): INTEGRITAS: Jurnal Antikorupsi
Publisher : Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.32697/integritas.v10i1.1226

Abstract

This conceptual article is based on primary and secondary data from various sources discussing the dynamics of Indonesian politics and democracy through the 2024 General Election. This article aims to identify various alleged political corruption practices as well as to evaluate the development of the quality of Indonesian democracy implied by the 2024 political process. Although allegations of political corruption are believed to be common among many groups, proving them legally and politically is not easy to do. This leaves a number of notes, especially regarding the nature of power and the trend of weakening the quality of democracy in the country. The 2024 General Election provided some valuable lessons that the aspects of neutrality and independence of state power should be of common concern to reorganize and increase the quality of the future Indonesian democracy.
Implikasi Normalisasi Hubungan Diplomatik Negara-Negara Timur Tengah dengan Israel terhadap Prospek Kemerdekaan Palestina: Telaah Konstruktivisme Minhajuddin, Minhajuddin; Umam, Ahmad Khoirul
Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 8 No 1 (2023)
Publisher : Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.10

Abstract

This research examines the process of normalizing diplomatic ties between middle eastern countries with Israel and its implications for the Palestine independence. The author uses constructivism paradigm in analyzing the aims of middle eastern countries towards Israel’s existence and the struggle of the Palestine. The political decision of the Middle Eastern countries in normalizing relations with Israel is viewed as an anomaly while Israel continues to occupy Palestine territory. It can be observed that there are economic and military assistance from United States and Israel to Middle Eastern countries. If it is elaborated, the diplomatic normalization isn’t about it but a shared value. Middle Eastern countries, United States, and Israel have a deal that the threat in the Middle East region comes from Iran, which is becoming increasingly dominant. The constructivism explain the concept of threat has transformed originally from Israel and the United States to a threat from Iran.
Voting behavior in Asian democracies: A comprehensive synthesis of contemporary research Sulaiman, Suryanagara Muhammad Iftitah; Rahmatunnisa, Mudiyati; Bainus, Arry; Umam, Ahmad Khoirul
Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik Vol. 38 No. 2 (2025): Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik
Publisher : Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Airlangga

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20473/mkp.V38I22025.139-155

Abstract

This article aims to systematically review the literature on voting behavior in Asian democracies, particularly in the post-Cold War era, to consolidate fragmented insights and to gain a strong understanding about existing scholarships and political development after the third wave of democratization in the region. Around 41 noteworthy publications from the Scopus database, published from 1990 to 2023, were analyzed by highlighting the diversity and limitations of conceptualizations, theoretical lens, and also methodological approaches to understand complexities and irregularities especially in the factors that influence voting behavior in Asian democracies. This study finds that voting behaviors in Asian democracies are shaped by a complex interplay of sociological, psychological, and rational, as well as institutional and structural factors. As political landscapes change, innovative electoral trends keep arise, and the region is politically and culturally heterogeneous, and maintaining an accurate and contextually based approach to reviewing voter behavior in Asia will remain fundamental for developing both academic discourse and also sensible democratic governance in the region.