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Batas Konstitusional Penggunaan Hak Angket terhadap Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi Rishan, Idul
Jurnal Konstitusi Vol. 16 No. 3 (2019)
Publisher : Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia, Indonesia

Pasca dikeluarkannya Putusan MK Nomor 36/PUU-XV/2017, penggunaan hak angket mengalami gejala ekstensifikasi subjek maupun objek. Riset ini bertujuan untuk memperoleh dua hal. Pertama, implikasi Putusan MK Nomor 36/PUU-XV/2017 terhadap penggunaan hak angket. Kedua, melimitasi penggunaan hak angket terhadap KPK dengan memberikan batas konstitusional. Metode riset merupakan penelitian hukum doktriner dengan basis data sekunder. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan; (1) terdapat tiga implikasi penggunaan hak angket pasca Putusan MK Nomor 36/PUU-XV/2017. Pertama, perubahan paradigma konseptual terhadap hak angket, kedua, perluasan pola hubungan kelembagaan, ketiga, ancaman stabilitas pemerintahan. (2) Perihal batas konstitusional penggunaan angket terhadap KPK, penulis melimitasi penggunaan angket terhadap dua bentuk. Pertama melimitasi kriteria penggunaan hak angket dan kedua, melimitasi objek penyelidikan hak angket.After the Constitutional Court Decision Number 36/PUU-XV/2017, the use of inquiry rights undergo subject and object extensification. This study focus into two discussions. First, the implications of the Constitutional Court Decision Number 36/PUU-XV/ 2017 towards the use of inquiry rights. Second, to give limitation of the use of inquiry rights towards the Corruption Eradication Commision (KPK). This research study is normative law research. The results show that (1) There are three implications of the use of inquiry rights; firstly, the changing of conceptual paradigm for the inquiry rights, secondly, the extensification of the institusional relations pattern, thirdly, the threat of governance stability. (2) Regarding the constitutional limits on the use of inquiry rights, the author sets the limitation in two forms: limiting the criteria and limiting the objects of the inquiry rights.

Populisme Mahkamah Konstitusi dalam Penafsiran Perkara-Perkara pada Wilayah Open Legal Policy Idul Rishan
Jurnal Hukum IUS QUIA IUSTUM Vol. 31 No. 3: SEPTEMBER 2024
Publisher : Fakultas Hukum Universitas Islam Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20885/iustum.vol31.iss3.art5

In the past seven years, the striking characteristic of cases filed before the Constitutional Court (MK) has developed into cases at the open legal policy level. In open legal cases, policy amendments should be settled through the formation or improvement of laws by the government. This study aims towards three objectives: (1) to identify the causes of the emergence of open legal cases filed before the Constitutional Court (2) to analyse the types of interpretations by the Constitutional Court in regards to open legal cases (3) to assess the level of public satisfaction relating to the decisions in open legal cases. The present research is a mixed legal study that utilises both primary and secondary data. The results of the study indicate that (1) the increasing number of open legal submissions at the Constitutional Court is caused by precedents where the Constitutional Court's interpretation of laws is considered swifter in obtaining legal certainty than encouraging the formation or amendment of laws through the President and the DPR. (2) In open legal cases, the interpretation of the Constitutional Court is highly dynamic. There is not a single type of interpretation, either judicial activism or judicial restraint, that is often used consistently in examining and deciding cases in the open legal area. (3) The results of this study also found that the Constitutional Court has not always been a populist in its decisions on open legal cases. There is even no correlation between interpretive judicial activism and judicial restraint with the level of public satisfaction towards the open legal cases.Keywords: Constitutional Court, Judicial Activism, Judicial Restraint, Open Legal Policy. AbstrakDalam tujuh tahun terakhir, karakteristik perkara yang dimohonkan ke Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK) berkembang pada perkara-perkara pada level kebijakan hukum terbuka (open legal policy). Dalam perkara open legal, perubahan kebijakan seharusnya diselesaikan melalui pembentukan atau perbaikan undang-undang oleh pemerintah. Studi ini bertujuan untuk memperoleh tiga hal, yaitu (1) mengidentifikasi penyebab munculnya perkara-perkara open legal yang dimohonkan di MK, (2) menganalisis jenis penafsiran (MK) dalam perkara open legal, (3) tingkat kepuasan publik terhadap putusan dalam perkara open legal. Studi ini merupakan penelitian hukum campuran (mix legal studies) dengan menggunakan data primer dan data sekunder. Hasil studi menunjukan (1) maraknya permohonan open legal di MK disebabkan oleh preseden dimana penafsiran MK terhadap undang-undang dinilai lebih cepat dalam memperoleh kepastian hukum ketimbang mengusulkan pembentukan atau perubahan undang-undang melalui Presiden dan DPR. (2) Dalam perkara open legal, penafsiran MK sangat dinamis. Tidak ada satu jenis penafsiran baik activism maupun restraint yang kerap digunakan secara konsisten dalam memeriksa dan memutus perkara di wilayah open legal. (3) Hasil studi ini juga menemukan bahwa MK tidak selalu populis dalam putusan-putusan perkara open legal. Bahkan tidak terdapat korelasi antara penafsiran activism maupun restraint dengan tingkat kepuasan publik pada perkara open legal. Kata Kunci: Judicial Activism, Judicial Restraint, Mahkamah Konstitusi, Open Legal Policy.

Abusive Judicial Review: Skandal Minimum Usia dan Disfungsi Mahkamah Konstitusi Rishan, Idul
Undang: Jurnal Hukum Vol. 7 No. 1 (2024)
Publisher : Fakultas Hukum Universitas Jambi

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22437/ujh.7.1.119-149

Since the adoption of the judicial review function after Indonesian democratization, it cannot be denied that the constitutional court has become an important part of the legal development in Indonesia. The Constitutional Court exists to protect and fulfill human rights. Through the function of judicial review, the Constitutional Court is used to limit the political power of the majority in parliament over the law-making process. In the case of minimum age limits for presidential and vice presidential candidates, the Constitutional Court played a strange role in conducting a judicial review. The Court, which was expected to be the last line of defense for a democratic constitutional order, then presented judicial dysfunction. This article tries to answer three things. First, identify the Constitutional Court’s abusive judicial review; second, analyze the factors driving abusive judicial review; and third, determine the impact of abusive judicial review on the Indonesian Constitutional Court. This study is doctrinal legal research. The results show that the Court has carried out abusive practices in terms of the minimum age limits for presidential and vice presidential candidates. Leadership problems, politicization of the judiciary, and weak supervision are the reasons for the growth of abusive judicial review. The impact of Constitutional Courts has damaged electoral democracy and fostered the growth of political dynasties. Abstrak Sejak pengadopsian fungsi judicial review pasca transisi politik, tak bisa dimungkiri Mahkamah Konstitusi telah menjadi bagian penting dalam konteks pembangunan hukum di Indonesia. Mahkamah Konstitusi hadir untuk memberikan perlindungan dan pemenuhan hak asasi warga negara. Melalui fungsi judicial review, Mahkamah Konstitusi diperankan untuk membatasi besarnya kekuatan politik mayoritas yang ada di parlemen atas proses pembentukan undang-undang. Dalam perkara batas minimum usia calon presiden dan wakil presiden, Mahkamah Konstitusi memperlihatkan wajah lain dalam praktik judicial review. Mahkamah yang diharapkan mampu menjadi garis pertahanan terakhir (last line of defense) bagi tatanan konstitusional demokratis kemudian mengalami disfungsi yudisial. Studi ini mencoba menjawab tiga hal: pertama, mengidentifikasi praktik penyalahgunaan kekuasaan (abusive) Mahkamah Konstitusi; kedua, faktor pendorong perilaku abusive Mahkamah; ketiga, dampaknya terhadap Mahkamah Konstitusi. Melalui studi hukum doktriner, artikel ini menunjukkan, Mahkamah melakukan praktik abusive dalam perkara batas minimum usia calon presiden (capres) dan calon wakil presiden (cawapres). Problem kepemimpinan, politisasi jabatan dan lemahnya pengawasan menjadi alasan tumbuhnya perilaku abusive mahkamah. Mahkamah Konstitusi telah merusak demokrasi elektoral dan memupuk tumbuhnya dinasti politik.

Relevansi Studi Politik Hukum Mahfud MD dalam Perkembangan dan Kontekstualisasinya Pasca Reformasi Rishan, Idul; Mochtar, Zainal Arifin
Mimbar Hukum Vol 37 No 1 (2025): Mimbar Hukum
Publisher : Faculty of Law, Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/mh.v37i1.20145

Setelah Mahfud menyelesaikan disertasinya pada tahun 1993, studi politik hukum berkembang cukup pesat pada kurikulum pendidikan tinggi hukum. Pada jenjang magister dan doktor studi Mahfud mampu memberikan kontribusi yang signifikan dalam memahami relasi hukum dan politik. Studi ini bertujuan memperolah dua hal. Pertama, melihat batasan dan ruang lingkup studi politik hukum Mahfud. Kedua, menelaah relevansi studi politik hukum Mahfud MD pada pasca demokratisasi politik. Studi ini menggunakan jenis penelitian sosio legal dengan data sekunder dan dianalisis secara kualitatif. Hasil studi menunjukan (1) temuan studi ini menegaskan kembali bahwa secara metodologis studi Mahfud MD memiliki keterbatasan ruang lingkup pada wilayah hukum publik, terutama yang mengatur kepentingan pemerintah. Bahwa temuan konfigurasi politik akan berpengaruh pada karakter produk hukum, terbukti tidak berpengaruh pada wilayah hukum privat. (2) mengingat studi Mahfud diselesaikan pada tahun 1993, tentu akan berdampak pada kemampuan teori ini beradaptasi dengan kondisi sosio, hukum dan politik yang jauh berbeda pasca reformasi. Hasil temuan studi ini juga menunjukkan bahwa studi politik hukum Mahfud MD tentu masih relevan dalam konteks pedagogik. Meskipun, dalam konteks politik praktis dan bekerjanya hukum di masyarakat, studi politik hukum Mahfud MD akan nampak keterbatasannya.

The Politicizing of Judicial Independence: Cases and Controversy in Indonesian Constitutional Court’s Idul Rishan
South East Asian Journal of Advanced Law and Governance (SEAJ-ALGov) Vol 1 No 2 (2024): Public Law and The Risk of Democration Regression
Publisher : Fakultas Hukum Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/seajalgov.v1i2.15535

The Constitutional Court has been the target of several political attacks over the past three years, each with its tactics and goals. The politicization of the court by the government poses the greatest danger to its independence. This study combines qualitative analysis with socio-legal study methodology. According to this study, the court gets politicized in two ways. The first type is extrajudicial, which indicates that political actors acting outside the court system constitute. The second type is intra-judicial, which involves the major actors in the legal system. In this case, the major actors are the judges of the Constitutional Court. This study also elucidates the way certain components with a legal component and others with a socio-political component resulted in the politicization of the independence of the constitutional court.

Doubting the Impartiality: Constitutional Court Judges and Conflict of Interest Rishan, Idul
Jurnal Jurisprudence Vol. 12, No. 1, June 2022
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Surakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.23917/jurisprudence.v12i1.1058

The Constitutional Court ruling on the third amendment to the Law on the Constitutional Court is worth discussing. In the judicial review, the justices judged a case in which they have interests. The interests are related to a requirement for being a Constitutional Court justice, term of office for Constitutional Court justices, and term of office for the chief justice and deputy chief justice. Can they be impartial? This study is aimed at three things. First, analyzing their interpretation through legal annotation. Second, identifying impacts the ruling has on the Constitutional Court. Third, providing a road map for judicial review related to Constitutional Court judges. This is mixed legal research using primary and secondary data. This study has found that the judges are not impartial due to conflict of interest. They have compromised universal principles of the judiciary. For the sake of impartiality, they should not be judges in their own cause. Instead, the Supreme Court should have the authority to review legislation on them.

The Politicizing of Judicial Independence: Cases and Controversy in Indonesian Constitutional Court’s Idul Rishan
South East Asian Journal of Advanced Law and Governance (SEAJ-ALGov) Vol 1 No 2 (2024): Public Law and The Risk of Democration Regression
Publisher : Fakultas Hukum Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/seajalgov.v1i2.15535

The Constitutional Court has been the target of several political attacks over the past three years, each with its tactics and goals. The politicization of the court by the government poses the greatest danger to its independence. This study combines qualitative analysis with socio-legal study methodology. According to this study, the court gets politicized in two ways. The first type is extrajudicial, which indicates that political actors acting outside the court system constitute. The second type is intra-judicial, which involves the major actors in the legal system. In this case, the major actors are the judges of the Constitutional Court. This study also elucidates the way certain components with a legal component and others with a socio-political component resulted in the politicization of the independence of the constitutional court.

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