Articles
<![CDATA[Potret Organisasi Jurnalis Pasca Orde Baru di Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta ]]>
<![CDATA[Masduki Masduki]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Komunikasi Vol. 10 No. 1 (2015): Volume 10, Nomor 1, Oktober 2015 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Program Studi Ilmu Komunikasi ]]>
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DOI: 10.20885/komunikasi.vol10.iss1.art6
<![CDATA[Association of journalists is one of the press freedom pillars. Up to 15 years after the collapsed of New Order regime, there has been no comprehensive studies related to the performance of journalist's association in maintaining the press freedom, professionalism o/j their members and engagement in public issue advocacies. This paper describes the results of research on the portrait of journalist organizations in Yogyakarta, using qualitative method throughout the months ofMay-June 2015. This research found that two models: formal and nonp-formal associations existed, with the tendency of different solidity and independence. In addition to the lack of membership loyalty and funding, internal ego of the organization in carrying out the mission is a serious problem in the future.]]>
<![CDATA[Perkembangan dan Problematika Radio Komunitas di Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Masduki .]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal ILMU KOMUNIKASI Vol. 2 No. 2 (2005) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[FISIP Universitas Atma Jaya Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.24002/jik.v2i2.247
<![CDATA[Abstract: This article is about the development of community radio in Indonesia, it is problems and solutions. Community radio in Indonesia developed as an alternative to both public radio and commercial radio after the fall of Soeharto in 1998. Two important features of community radio are that it provides all community members with equal access to information, enhancing their rights and obligations, access to justice, public accountability and also enables them to participate actively in radio management and production. Both features enhance people’s selfawareness and sense of belonging to a community. The expansion of the progressive, participatory, community ownership, and non-profit model of community radio, has become a third sector of communication beside the commercial or state media. The dynamic development of community radio in Indonesia faced several problems starting from it is definition, implementation of regulation until standards of programmes operation based on the concept of community approach and participation]]>
<![CDATA[Jurnalisme Politik: Keberpihakan Media dalaim Pemilu 2004 ]]>
<![CDATA[- Masduki]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 8, No 1 (2004): JULI (Representasi dan Keberpihakan dalam Media) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/jsp.11059
<![CDATA[The idea of independent political journalism failed to perform during the 2004 general election in Indonesia. Instead of keeping equal distance from the bourgeois dan capitalist interest, a number of the journalists even proud to be able to serve them.]]>
<![CDATA[Media and Politics: Re-Thinking the Indonesian Broadcasting System ]]>
<![CDATA[Masduki Masduki]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 21, No 1 (2017): July ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/jsp.28680
<![CDATA[The emergence of the policy of broadcasting liberalization in the established democracies of Europe and North America, which is indicated by the absence of state intervention to broadcasting governance has been influencing broadcasting policy in the new democracies, including Indonesia. Is it true that Indonesia adopts a liberal broadcasting policy? This paper outlines two issues. First, the academic debate surrounding broadcasting system in the world. Second, discussion as stated by scholars on a thesis of the enactment of the liberal media system in Indonesia that is primarily based on the broadcasting policies after Suharto’s reign of power, among others Law 32/2002 on Broadcasting. Based on the intensive literature review, it can be concluded that the broadcasting system prevailing in Indonesia is not purely liberal, but a mix of liberal and authoritarian model, a unique character that also occurs in the post-communist and post-authoritarian states in Asia, Africa and Eastern Europe. This mix is indicated within the last fifteen years through the adoption of public and community broadcasters and the establishment of Komisi Penyiaran Indonesia (KPI) as an independent regulator that were accompanied with the existing control of the ruling government to public broadcasters (RRI & TVRI); the weak mandate of KPI and the omission of commercial broadcasting domination. ]]>
<![CDATA[Blunders of Government Communication: The Political Economy of COVID-19 Communication Policy in Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Masduki Masduki]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 24, No 2 (2020): November ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/jsp.57389
<![CDATA[Government officials and politicians have been both a help and hindrance in the public dissemination of information during the COVID-19 pandemic. The intervention of a president and his/her ministries with their political and economic interests is particularly problematic when they employ a tactical approach rather than provide accurate and effective disaster information. This paper utilizes a political-economy approach to analyze the link between COVID-19 communication policies and practices with the interests of politics and market stability in Indonesia. In this paper, the author drills into the extent to which the country’s president and ministries manage their political interests in times of global pandemic. The ways they interact with the public during various stages of disaster are crucial because society is severely disrupted, with the government serving as the sole actor. This study uses qualitative methods and all materials are managed from an extensive review of current literature, policy analysis, and field observation. This paper finds that Indonesian government communication during the COVID-19 pandemic period (February– June 2020) has been dominated by a desire to maintain a strong power of the ruling authority and to secure market stability. Two factors—pro-market communication policies and manufactured- politicized COVID-19 data—have occurred. This paper contributes to the literature by focusing on the political and economic approach over the mediated discourses surrounding the pandemic.]]>
<![CDATA[Perubahan Pola Kerja Jurnalistik Pasca COVID-19 dan Penurunan Kualitas Berita di Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Masduki Masduki]]>;
<![CDATA[Narayana Mahendra Prastya]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmu Komunikasi Vol 19, No 3 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Univeritas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.31315/jik.v19i3.5058
<![CDATA[Penelitian ini bertujuan menguraikan perubahan pola kerja jurnalistik di Indonesia pasca COVID-19 dan implikasinya pada kualitas berita. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan ekonomi politik dalam menggali relasi antara jurnalis, media dan pemerintah, sebagai kontribusi akademik lebih lanjut dari studi-studi terdahulu yang hanya berpusat pada budaya jurnalistik pasca COVID-19. Teknik pengumpulan data terdiri dari wawancara mendalam, observasi konten portal berita dan pengumpulan dokumen terkait kinerja media jurnalistik pasca pandemi COVID-19 di Jakarta dan Yogyakarta. Hasil penelitian ini menemukan terjadinya perubahan pola kerja yang signifikan pada jurnalis dalam melakukan liputan jurnalistik sebelum dan sesudah COVID-19. Model komunikasi berbasis daring antara jurnalis dengan sumber berita dan pengumpulan dokumen berbasis daring membuat kualitas berita menurun, melahirkan berita yang seragam yang menunjang propaganda stabilitas ekonomi dan politik pemerintah. Pemerintah adalah narasumber dominan dan menjadi pihak yang paling diuntungkan ketimbang publik. Memasuki era normal baru di Indonesia, studi ini merekomendasikan perlunya suatu regulasi yang memperkuat independensi redaksional dan kualitas jurnalistik pada kegiatan liputan bencana serupa.]]>
<![CDATA[Political Economy of Communication Conferences in Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Masduki Masduki]]>
<![CDATA[ Komunikator Vol 14, No 1 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jkm.13751
<![CDATA[This study was triggered by the widespread scietific conferences in the field of communication during the past six years, from 2015-2021 in Indonesia. It intends to find a model of an academic conference within the trend of liberalizing universities. In addition to identifying its technical aspects (themes, speakers, funding, types of organizers, and post-conference publication choices), this study examines the macro-political aspects of organizing scientific conferences. This study uses a qualitative method. The author observed 36 conference posters from 2015 to 2021 and conducted field visits and interviews with selected conference organizers. The author also examines government policy documents directly and indirectly related to those scientific conferences in Indonesia. The study found a massive growth in the academic conferences, with various organizers (universities, associations of academia, etc.). It follows the trend of academic mobility, knowledge exchange, and collaboration which are driven by the ‘commodification of knowledge’. Amidst the lack of conference regulation, it tends to follow ’the logic of market competition’, not complying with the mission ofacademic dissemination itself. Most conferences placed bureaucrats more privileged above scientists, offering additional activities such as city tours or non-academic events showing academia’s dependence on political paternalism and economic power. ]]>
<![CDATA[Public service broadcasting model in Indonesian transitional democracy ]]>
<![CDATA[Masduki Masduki]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Kajian Komunikasi Vol 10, No 1 (2022): June 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/jkk.v10i1.35761
<![CDATA[The emergence of the public service broadcasting (PSB) system in post-authoritarian countries in Asia, including Indonesia (after the 1998 political reform), is not in line with the aspiration of the democratic media system. Most public-oriented broadcasters were born as a hybrid of universal and ideal models of a democratic channel with local and transitional media systems. This article presents an analysis of various PSB models rooted in different countries. It examines the efforts made by Indonesian stakeholders to formulate an Indonesian style of PSB from 2002 until today. The qualitative method was used to review previous studies relating to PSB policies and governance throughout the world and official policies relating to the broadcast system in Indonesia. In-depth interviews were conducted with a former legislator who formulated Broadcast Law no. 32/2002, RRI and TVRI Supervisory Boards members, and media activists. The selected offices of the Radio of the Republic of Indonesia (RRI) and the Television of the Republic of Indonesia (TVRI) were also observed as the national PSB providers in Indonesia. This study found different pathways in PSB models (policy and governance) between developed democracies, such as the UK and Germany, and post-authoritarian countries, such as Indonesia. From a regulatory perspective, Indonesia’s PSB model is a mixture of the ideal form rooted in matured democracies with the old management of RRI/TVRI as ex-government channels. The hybrid PSB model has impeded RRI and TVRI’s transition to becoming actual public service broadcasters.]]>
<![CDATA[The Dark Side of Communication Studies in Higher Education of Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Masduki Masduki]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal ASPIKOM - Jurnal Ilmu Komunikasi Vol 7, No 2 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Asosiasi Pendidikan Tinggi Ilmu Komunikasi (ASPIKOM) ]]>
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DOI: 10.24329/aspikom.v7i2.1127
<![CDATA[This paper revisits the academic culture of Communication studies in Indonesia, which has been stagnant since the political tragedy of 1998 to 2021. The autocratic political system of the New Order, on the one hand, and the liberalization of education, on the other, have triggered it, resulting in the phenomenon of ‘dark academia’. This paper wants to address this research question: how is the portrait of communication studies in Indonesia during the last decade? Data were extracted from the collaborative research findings using qualitative methods, organized by the Central Committee of ASPIKOM for the period 2019-2022. The data primarily are generated from the profiles of Communication study program filled out by the ASPIKOM members, as well as from the unstructured interviews and analysis of government policies. This paper finds stagnation in the discipline of Communication studies, particularly the domination of these three special disciplines: Communication science, Public Relations, and Journalism. A combination of bureaucracies in higher education and the global-digital scale of knowledge capitalism hindered academic autonomy and knowledge production within communication sholars.]]>
<![CDATA[Literasi Media Publik untuk Pekerja Media melalui Akademi Media Publik ]]>
<![CDATA[Masduki Masduki]]>
<![CDATA[ Warta LPM WARTA LPM, Vol. 25, No. 4, Oktober 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Surakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.23917/warta.v25i4.1416
<![CDATA[This paper reports a community development project, particulary an initiative to overcome the scarcity of public media advocacies with strong emphasis to the dissemination of public media knowledge. The advocacies to urge public media as a pillar of a democratized media in Indonesia has been going on since 2002. However, most movements are centered solely on academic forums, research or political lobby aspiring policy changes to Indonesian policymakers. This project fills the gab by establishing media academy, a model of public media course targeted public media professionals. This project was organized throughout August and September 2021, involved two institutions: the Communication Study Program of Universitas Islam Indonesia and Public Broadcast Clearing House (RPLPP) as the main partners of this social program. The course provides an interactive online course involving 15 participants and 8 mentors using Zoom meet application. In addition to lectures on public media system and its policies, participants of this course receive assistance in their creation as well as production of a public oriented content which are worthy of being displayed on their digital media channels. This activity succeeded in enriching the participants’ insight and analytical skills on public media issues. It also succeeded in designing a public media curriculum, which could be adopted by higher education institution of communication in Indonesia.]]>
