Articles
<![CDATA[Islam Populer sebagai Pencarian Identitas Muslim Kelas Menengah Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Raharjo Jati, Wasisto]]>
<![CDATA[ TEOSOFI: Jurnal Tasawuf dan Pemikiran Islam Vol. 5 No. 1 (2015): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Program Studi Filsafat Agama Fakultas Ushuluddin dan Filsafat UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/teosofi.2015.5.1.139-163
<![CDATA[This article aims to analyze the construction of identity in the case study of Middle-Class Muslim in Indonesia. The term ?Popular Islam? is part of an academic term to mention of make Islam as an identity for the Middle-Class Muslim in Indonesia. This term can be interpreted into two premises are popular Islam as a commoditization of Islamic value and Islam as part of celebration Islamic day. Both of these terms later then forked between Islamization and indigenization thus creating their assorted shades of Middle-Class Muslim in Indonesia. Consumption then present a cultural sign to distinguish the Middle Class. It was later manifested in the mass cultural products on behalf of Islam. That image displayed on consuming the product and then create construction of an Islamic Middle Class, religious Middle Class, and the Arabized Middle Class. This paper will elaborate more deeply about in search of identity and its impact to Middle-Class Muslim in Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[MEDIA AND POLITICAL PERSUASION: THE ROLE OF MEDIA IN INDONESIA PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN 2001-2009 ]]>
<![CDATA[Wasisto Raharjo Jati]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Penelitian Politik Vol 10, No 2 (2013): Presiden yang Presidensiil ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Pusat Penelitian Politik ]]>
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DOI: 10.14203/jpp.v10i2.432
<![CDATA[Tulisan ini bertujuan menganalisis tentang peran media dalam konstelasi pemilu presiden Indonesia selama2001-2009. Pada masa reformasi, media sendiri telah menunjukkan posisi dilematis dalam mendukung demokrasi,bahkan berupaya mengidentifikasi sebagai aktor politik. Dalam beragam cara, media menampilkan adanyarelasi ketergantungan kuat dengan patronase ekonomi politik. Hadirnya jurnalisme politik sendiri kemudianberwujud dalam mesin propaganda yang bertujuan menyampaikan pesan politik kepada publik. Tulisan ini akanmengelaborasi lebih lanjut mengani dilema media dalam proses transisi demokrasi di Indonesia.Kata Kunci: persuasif media, konglomerasi media, kampanye polittik, dan jurnalisme politik]]>
<![CDATA[GLOBALISASI DAN KEMISKINAN DESA: ANALISA STRUKTUR EKONOMI POLITIK PEDESAAN ]]>
<![CDATA[Wasisto Raharjo Jati]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Penelitian Politik Vol 11, No 2 (2014): Tantangan Politik Lokal Pasca SBY ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Pusat Riset Politik BRIN ]]>
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DOI: 10.14203/jpp.v11i2.198
<![CDATA[Artikel ini bertujuan menganalisis relasi politik antara desa dengan globalisasi. Analisa dalam artikel inikemudian dititikberatkan pada struktur ekonomi politik untuk melihat relasinya khususnya posisi desa dalamglobalisasi. Hasil paper menunjukkan bahwa secara historis, analisa terhadap pengaruh desa dalam globalisasisendiri dapat dibedakan menjadi dua paradigma yakni positif dan negatif. Dalam perspektif positif, desa sendirimengafirmasi berbagai strategi global dalam upaya membangun ekonomi mereka. Sedangkan dalam pengertiannegatif, desa telah menjadi termarjinalkan dan tertekan dalam sistem kapitalis.Kata Kunci : desa, globalisasi, ekonomi politik, desa global.]]>
<![CDATA[MENGURAI GAGASAN NEGARA PASCAKOLONIAL: KONTEKSTUALISASI INDONESIA SEBAGAI NEGARA DUNIA KETIGA ]]>
<![CDATA[Wasisto Raharjo Jati]]>
<![CDATA[ Masyarakat Indonesia Vol 39, No 1 (2013): Majalah Ilmu-ilmu Sosial Indonesia ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Kedeputian Bidang Ilmu Sosial dan Kemanusiaan (IPSK-LIPI) ]]>
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DOI: 10.14203/jmi.v39i1.296
<![CDATA[This article discusses the idea of the postcolonial state in Indonesia. The establishment of the postcolonial state is derived from three perspectives; Marxism, structuralism, and postcolonialism. The idea of postcolonial countries focuses on the premise of over-developed countries and relative autonomy. The context of the relative autonomy of the state itself is interpreted as rivalry in state-society relations for gaining political influence. It was then created the patron-client relation and patronage political economy. In the case of Indonesia, the character of the postcolonial state manifests itself in the form of patrimonialism and the dominance of the state in the public sphere. Reorganization of the old elite to a democratic system indicates linearity values and norms of colonialism in the new system of government.Keywords: Postcolonial, Indonesia, Overdeveloped, Autonomy, Patrimonialism]]>
<![CDATA[TOLERANSI BERAGAMA DALAM PENDIDIKAN MULTIKULTURALISMESISWA SMA KATOLIK SANG TIMUR YOGYAKARTA ]]>
<![CDATA[Wasisto Raharjo Jati]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Cakrawala Pendidikan CAKRAWALA PENDIDIKAN FEBRUARI 2014, TH. XXXIII, NO. 1 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[LPMPP Universitas Negeri Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.21831/cp.v1i1.1863
<![CDATA[Abstrak: Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji penerapan sikap toleransi dalam pendidikan multi- kulturalisme di kalangan siswa SMA. Analisis dalam penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian studi kasus. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa prinsip “rumah bersama” menjadi contoh penting dalam menumbuhkan sikap toleransi di antara siswa. Siswa diperlakukan sebagai anggota keluarga dekat dalam pergaulan dengan sivitas akademika lainnya. Prinsip “rumah bersama” ini seperti melting pot, tempat semua perbedaan ras, suku, agama, dan lainnya dilebur menjadi satu identitas tunggal sebagai saudara laki-laki dan saudara perempuan. Religiusitas adalah instrumentasi penerapan nilai universalitas agama mengenai tenggang rasa, toleransi, maupun perdamaian untuk menjaga semangat multikulturalisme dan memperkuat persaudaraan di antara para siswa. Kata Kunci : pendidikan multicultural, prinsip “rimah bersama”, religiusitas, toleransi]]>
<![CDATA[Kewargaan Inklusif sebagai Paradigma Alternatif Pelayanan Publik ]]>
<![CDATA[Wasisto Raharjo Jati]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol 18, No 1 (2014): Juli ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/jsp.13093
<![CDATA[This article traces to endeavor the concept of public services in the practice of inclusive citizenship. Contextualization of citizens should be important to be argued in order state eff ort to fulfi lling its citizen basic needs. There are three major schools of public service regime; the liberal, social democratic, and social investment wherein each paradigm gives a diff erent sense of the citizens. Liberal regime defi nes citizen guaranteed to choose their public service patt ern, amidst state or market. Social democratic regime emphasizes obligatory state in terms of public services for its citizens. Meanwhile, the social investment act rationally in providing services to its citizens. The paradigm of Inclusive citizenship emerges as a form of alternative response of the third paradigm in providing public services and comprehensive democratic to every citizen. Implementation of inclusive citizenship toward public service reform is urging and signifi cant to recommend how far and beyond state posited citizen as their client who must be served vice versa. This article will elaborate more on the meaning of inclusive citizenship in the public service.]]>
<![CDATA[CYBERSPACE, INTERNET, DAN RUANG PUBLIK BARU: AKTIVISME ONLINE POLITIK KELAS MENENGAH INDONESIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Wasisto Raharjo Jati]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Pemikiran Sosiologi Vol 3, No 1 (2016): Menggagas Kajian Digital Humanities di Indonesia ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Sosiologi Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/jps.v3i1.23524
<![CDATA[Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis mengenai cyberspace sebagai ruang publik baru bagi kelas menengah Indonesia. Konsep lama ruang publik besasal dari Habermas yang menilai ruang tersebut merupakan bagian dari proses komunikasi dan advokasi publik. Ruang tersebut dipahami sebagai ruang inklusif, deliberatif, dan juga parsipatif yang mendorong publik untuk berdiskusi satu sama lain. Kemunculan cyberspace melalui sosial media ini menarik untuk dicermati karena mampu mentrasnformasi ruang publik dalam bentuk digital. Dibandingkan dengan ruang publik, cyberspace berinteraksi kapanpun dan dimanapun. Dari situlah kemudian proses kesadaran politik kelas menengah kemudian tercipta. Artikel ini akan mengelaborasi lebih lanjut mengenai aktivisme politik onlone di Indonesia]]>
<![CDATA[MODERASI BERAGAMA DALAM ISLAM NUSANTARA: MENIMBA DARI WALI SONGO: LESSON LEARNT FROM NINE ISLAMIC SAINTS ]]>
<![CDATA[Syamsurijal]]>;
<![CDATA[Wasisto Raharjo Jati]]>;
<![CDATA[Halimah Sa'diah]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Masyarakat dan Budaya Vol. 24 No. 3 (2022): Jurnal Masyarakat dan Budaya ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[LIPI Press ]]>
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DOI: 10.14203/jmb.v24i3.1804
<![CDATA[“Islam Nusantara” (Islam of the Archipelago) is an idea and religious practice that represents reflection of Islam as non-violent, pro tolerance, equality, and accommodating to local cultures. These characters basically are principle of religious moderation. It is worth to note that the idea of “Islam Nusantara” has explained empirical and real Islamic values within religious moderation itself. For instance, “tawazun” (equality), “tawasuth” (moderation), and “tasamuh” (tolerant) are the core values of Islamic teaching. It has been known since the Prophet Muhammad SAW taught it. While the religious moderation within “Islam Nusantara” still not yet get wide attention, public assume that the religious moderation belongs to two large Islamic organization in Indonesia, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and Muhammadiyah. Both represents Indonesian version of moderate Islamic. In fact, the idea of “Islam Nusantara” has been long existing since the era of “Wali Songo” (the nine saints). Following up previously-mentioned ideas, this paper aims to address how religious moderation has been growing from the era the era of “Wali Songo” (the nine saints) to be “Islam Nusantara” (Islam of the Archipelago). These main aim also would to address the comparative analysis between“Wali Songo” (the nine saints) to be “Islam Nusantara” on current religious moderation.]]>
<![CDATA[E NERGIZING BUREAUCRACY SEBAGAI MODEL PENGEMBANGAN KARIER APARATUR BERBASIS MERITOKRASI DI ERA UU ASN ]]>
<![CDATA[Wasisto Raharjo Jati]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Manajemen Kepegawaian Vol 8 No 1 Juni (2014): Jurnal Kebijakan dan Manajemen PNS ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Badan Kepegawaian Negara | The National Civil Service Agency ]]>
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<![CDATA[Tulisan akan mengelaborasi lebih lanjut mengenai perspektif energizing bureaucracy sebagai model alternatif dalam pengembangan kompetensi birokrasi. Adapun pengembangan kompetensi birokrat tidaklah hanya berdasarkan pada merit system yang berdasarkan pada profesionalitas dan berorientasi pada hasil. Namun juga mengarah pada pembentukan sikap afeksi dan afirmasi dalam pelayanan publik. Perspektif ini mensinergiskan nilai-nilai profesionalisme dan voluntarisme dalam pengembangan kompetensi birokrat agar bisa menghasilkan kinerja maksimal baik pada publik maupun organisasi. Kata kunci: birokrasi, kompetensi, merit system, energizing bureaucracy]]>
<![CDATA[KUASA DAN KEKERASAN : KELEMBAGAAN PREMANISME YOGYAKARTA PASKA REFORMASI ]]>
<![CDATA[Raharjo Jati, Wasisto]]>
<![CDATA[ The Sociology of Islam Vol. 2 No. 1 (2012): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Prodi Sosiologi, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/jsi.2012.2.1.%p
<![CDATA[After “Reformasiâ€, the state lost his governability that implicate frozen democracy. Frozen democracy represent the terms which snugly to depict the resignment of state in social politics arena in society so that creater vacuum of power nowadays. This opportunity later then generate to attend the non state actors to exploit that’s for the sake of person and also groups. For the reason later then happen contestation in reaching for the power by using violence as instrument. As for this violence is happened by as existing state deligimation to making prosperity function so that generate the informal power in society especially urban society. “Preman†as informal violence actor realize vacuum of power in society with forming organizational assorted. By defining democratize their own version, “preman†tried to run the prosperity function among them in violence logic with their repressive and intimidation act. Therefore by adopting the seminal concept of structural - violence in the Johan Galtung’ violence theory, this paper endeavors to analyse the violence logic in informal power conducted by “preman†in dynamics of urban society. Kata kunci : Preman, Premanisme, Kekerasan, dan Kekuasaan.]]>
