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Proportionality Test in the 1945 Constitution: Limiting Hizbut Tahrir Freedom of Assembly Taufik, Giri Ahmad
Constitutional Review Vol 4, No 1 (2018)
Publisher : The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia

In May 2017, Jokowiâs administration announced the intention to dissolve Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). HTI is an Islamic organization that aspires to establish caliphate government based on the claim of Islamic teaching. The Government considers HTI as a threat to Pancasila. The announcement has created controversy. It has divided Indonesian into pro and contra camp. The dissolution pro camp argues HTI ideology is against Pancasila, Indonesia political ideology. Furthermore, they pointed out HTIâs idea of Caliphate that based on religion would disintegrate the nation. Conversely, the cons argues the government move is against the constitutionally guarantee freedom of association as stipulates in the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia (hereafter the 1945 Constitution). The move would create precedent that threatens freedom of assembly if the government failed to enact due process procedure and provide justifiable reason for the action. This controversy is not new to human rights and democratic discourse. Karl Popper describes the debate as a paradox of tolerance, democracy, and freedom in an open society. This paper examines how the 1945 Constitution can be utilized to resolve the paradox. This paper argues that Article 28 J par.2 of the 1945 Constitution requires the balance between human rights protection and limitation in its proportion. Thus, the limitation clause should be used as a parameter to solve HTI issue. This paper explores the use of proportionality test in interpreting the limitation clause and applies it not only to the question of HTI issue but also broader issues to evaluate recent government moves in amending the Law Number 17 Year 2013 on Societal Organisation. This paper employs a doctrinal method in its analysis.

Tafsir MK Atas Pasal 33 UUD 1945: Studi Atas Putusan MK Mengenai Judicial Review Terhadap UU No. 7/2004, UU No. 22/2001, dan UU No. 20/2002 Magnar, Kuntana; Junaenah, Inna; Taufik, Giri Ahmad
Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 7, No 1 (2010)
Publisher : Mahkamah Konstitusi Republik Indonesia

The rulings of the constitutional court to review the Act No. 7 of 2004 on Management of Water Resources, Act No. 22 of 2001 on Crude Oil and Natural Gas, Act No. 20 of 2002 on Electricity caused controversy. These decisions gives a different interpretation of Article 33 of the Constitution of 1945, which likely have implications for Indonesia’s economic development policy. Branches of production which is important for the livelihoods of people and natural resources, is placed in the area of public law rather than private. The consequences are arranged by state control rights as a collective representation of Indonesian society. Thus, the form that allows management of a joint is through cooperatives and the state delegation of the management of public goods to the non-state (cooperative), can only be done with the instrument of one-sided legal action.

Tafsir MK Atas Pasal 33 UUD 1945: Studi Atas Putusan MK Mengenai Judicial Review Terhadap UU No. 7/2004, UU No. 22/2001, dan UU No. 20/2002 Kuntana Magnar; Inna Junaenah; Giri Ahmad Taufik
Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 7, No 1 (2010)
Publisher : The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia

The rulings of the constitutional court to review the Act No. 7 of 2004 on Management of Water Resources, Act No. 22 of 2001 on Crude Oil and Natural Gas, Act No. 20 of 2002 on Electricity caused controversy. These decisions gives a different interpretation of Article 33 of the Constitution of 1945, which likely have implications for Indonesia’s economic development policy. Branches of production which is important for the livelihoods of people and natural resources, is placed in the area of public law rather than private. The consequences are arranged by state control rights as a collective representation of Indonesian society. Thus, the form that allows management of a joint is through cooperatives and the state delegation of the management of public goods to the non-state (cooperative), can only be done with the instrument of one-sided legal action.

PEMBATASAN DAN PENGUATAN KEKUASAAN KEHAKIMAN DALAM PEMILIHAN HAKIM AGUNG Giri Ahmad Taufik
Jurnal Yudisial Vol 7, No 3 (2014): LIBERTAS, JUSTITIA, VERITAS
Publisher : Komisi Yudisial RI

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.29123/jy.v7i3.81

ABSTRAKKekuasaan kehakiman (yudikatif) merupakan cabang kekuasaan pemerintahan terlemah dibanding kekuasaan pemerintahan lainnya yaitu eksekutif dan legislatif. Kekuasaan riil dari kekuasaan kehakiman hanya terletak pada kewibawaan pengadilan sebagai sebuah institusi. Salah satu yang dapat mewujudkan kewibawaan kekuasaan kehakiman adalah aktor pelaksana kekuasaan tersebut yaitu hakim yang memiliki kompetensi tinggi dan baik. Hubungan kausalitas antara kedua faktor tersebut membuat banyak pakar menyatakan keterkaitan yang kuat antara proses rekrutmen hakim terhadap masa depan kemerdekaan kekuasaan kehakiman, terlebih lagi pada proses rekrutmen hakim agung di Mahkamah Agung. Proses rekrutmen hakim agung harus terjaga dari intervensi kepentingan politik. Hal ini merupakan rasio dari Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 27/PUU-XI/2013. Putusan tersebut telah mendudukkan peran DPR di pelaksanaan rekrutmen hakim agung dalam posisi yang pasif, untuk menghindari intrusi kepentingan politik. Hal tersebut dimaksudkan untuk memberikan perlindungan kepada kemerdekaan kekuasaan kehakiman secara keseluruhan. Pasca Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi ini maka diperlukan perubahan Undang-Undang Mahkamah Agung dan Undang-Undang Komisi Yudisial untuk mengakomodir prinsip kemerdekaan kekuasaan kehakiman utamanya dalam proses rekrutmen hakim agung sebagaimana terkandung di dalam UUD NRI 1945. Kata kunci: rekrutmen hakim agung, kekuasaan kehakiman, kepentingan politik.ABSTRACTJudicial power is the weakest power compared to the executive and legislative power. The actual supremacy of the judicial power lies merely on the authority of the court as an institution. This has caused the judicial honor and dignity is determined by the apparatus executing the judicial power, which is none other than the adept and qualified judges. The causality relationship makes many experts consider that there is a strong link between the process of recruitment of judges with the future independence of the judiciary, especially in the process of recruitment of supreme court judges. The process of recruitment of the supreme court judge must be kept from the intervention of political interests. This is the rationale of the Constitutional Court Decision Number 27/PUU-XI/2013. The decision has put the House of Representatives in the process of recruitment of the supreme court judge in passive position, to avoid the intrusion of political interests. It is intended to provide full protection to the judicial independence. Post-issuance of this decision it is considered necessary to amend the Law on Supreme Court and the Law on Judicial Commission primarily to accommodate the principle of judicial independence in the process ofrecruitment of the supreme court judges as stipulated in the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia.Keywords: recruitment of supreme court judges, judicial power, political interest.

Proportionality Test in the 1945 Constitution: Limiting Hizbut Tahrir Freedom of Assembly Giri Ahmad Taufik
Constitutional Review Vol 4, No 1 (2018)
Publisher : The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia

In May 2017, Jokowi’s administration announced the intention to dissolve Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). HTI is an Islamic organization that aspires to establish caliphate government based on the claim of Islamic teaching. The Government considers HTI as a threat to Pancasila. The announcement has created controversy. It has divided Indonesian into pro and contra camp. The dissolution pro camp argues HTI ideology is against Pancasila, Indonesia political ideology. Furthermore, they pointed out HTI’s idea of Caliphate that based on religion would disintegrate the nation. Conversely, the cons argues the government move is against the constitutionally guarantee freedom of association as stipulates in the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia (hereafter the 1945 Constitution). The move would create precedent that threatens freedom of assembly if the government failed to enact due process procedure and provide justifiable reason for the action. This controversy is not new to human rights and democratic discourse. Karl Popper describes the debate as a paradox of tolerance, democracy, and freedom in an open society. This paper examines how the 1945 Constitution can be utilized to resolve the paradox. This paper argues that Article 28 J par.2 of the 1945 Constitution requires the balance between human rights protection and limitation in its proportion. Thus, the limitation clause should be used as a parameter to solve HTI issue. This paper explores the use of proportionality test in interpreting the limitation clause and applies it not only to the question of HTI issue but also broader issues to evaluate recent government moves in amending the Law Number 17 Year 2013 on Societal Organisation. This paper employs a doctrinal method in its analysis.

Tafsir MK Atas Pasal 33 UUD 1945: Studi Atas Putusan MK Mengenai Judicial Review Terhadap UU No. 7/2004, UU No. 22/2001, dan UU No. 20/2002 Kuntana Magnar; Inna Junaenah; Giri Ahmad Taufik
Jurnal Konstitusi Vol 7, No 1 (2010)
Publisher : The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia

The rulings of the constitutional court to review the Act No. 7 of 2004 on Management of Water Resources, Act No. 22 of 2001 on Crude Oil and Natural Gas, Act No. 20 of 2002 on Electricity caused controversy. These decisions gives a different interpretation of Article 33 of the Constitution of 1945, which likely have implications for Indonesia’s economic development policy. Branches of production which is important for the livelihoods of people and natural resources, is placed in the area of public law rather than private. The consequences are arranged by state control rights as a collective representation of Indonesian society. Thus, the form that allows management of a joint is through cooperatives and the state delegation of the management of public goods to the non-state (cooperative), can only be done with the instrument of one-sided legal action.

The Idea of Presidential Term Limit as an Implicit Unamendable Provision: Gagasan Pembatasan Masa Jabatan Presiden sebagai Implicit Unamendable Provision Hatim, Ahmad; Harijanti, Susi Dwi; Giri Ahmad Taufik
Jurnal Konstitusi Vol. 21 No. 4 (2024)
Publisher : Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia, Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31078/jk2142

The discourse on amending Article 7 of the 1945 Constitution to extend the presidential term has surfaced on multiple occasions. The author’s hypothesis asserts that such an amendment is not only challenging but fundamentally unfeasible, as it constitutes an implicit unamendable provision. This article examines this hypothesis using a normative juridical method, which involves analyzing legal norms, principles, and doctrines through a positive legal approach. The study concludes that Article 7 of the 1945 Constitution represents an implicit unamendable provision, as evidenced by its historical context, its interrelation with other constitutional provisions, relevant court decisions, and the procedural framework of the constitutional amendment process.

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