Indonesian Journal of International Relations
IJIR is a scientific journal focuses on the issues of states relations both in the regional and international scope. Mostly on, but not limited to, Indonesia and the Southeast Asian region.
IJIR is published by and served as the official journal of the International Relations National Association in Indonesia. It aims to publish high-quality articles as an academic contribution and foreign policy considerations through the dissemination of highly stimulated theoretical and empirical research with a clear methodology for international readers.
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<![CDATA[KEBIJAKAN LUAR NEGERI KOREA SELATAN TERKAIT KERJA SAMA PERTUKARAN INFORMASI MILITER PADA TAHUN 2016 ]]>
<![CDATA[Herdanezza, Phillia Tafwida]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of International Relations Vol 7 No 2 (2023): INDONESIAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Association for International Relations ]]>
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DOI: 10.32787/ijir.v7i2.415
<![CDATA[This study aims to analyze President Park's decision in formulating the GSOMIA (General Security of Military Agreement) cooperation. It is carried out using descriptive qualitative methods and secondary data collection techniques from literature studies, and relies on the Decision-Making Process theory of Richard C. Snyder which looks at the subjective factors of the main decision makers. This study shows that for the first time, South Korea and Japan managed to reach an agreement on military information exchange cooperation (GSOMIA) in 2016. After being delayed for four years, President Park Geun-Hye insisted on realizing GSOMIA in the midst of a crisis due to public rejection. It was found through policy analysis related to the formulation of GSOMIA from the South Korean point of view that President Park's perspective was shaped by several factors. Factors originating from internal South Korea are President Park's desire to increase South Korea's military capabilities. Meanwhile, the external factor that became the reason for the realization of GSOMIA was President Park's desire to protect the country from threats.]]>
<![CDATA[DIPLOMASI PENDIDIKAN SABAH BRIDGE DALAM MEMENUHI HAK PENDIDIKAN BAGI ANAK PEKERJA MIGRAN INDONESIA DI SABAH, MALAYSIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Damayanti, Christy]]>;
<![CDATA[Dewi, Untari Narulita Madyar]]>;
<![CDATA[Permatasari, Defta Galuh]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of International Relations Vol 7 No 2 (2023): INDONESIAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Association for International Relations ]]>
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DOI: 10.32787/ijir.v7i2.440
<![CDATA[This research was conducted to describe the role of Sabah Bridge in conducting educational diplomacy in fulfilling the educational rights of Indonesian migrant workers' children through educational diplomacy. Qualitative research methods, literature studies, interview techniques, and educational diplomacy theory involving non-government actors were carried out. The results of the study show that there are three results from Sabah Bridge's educational diplomacy with related parties: (1) the Indonesian government built the Kota Kinabalu Indonesian school in Malaysia; (2) immigration cooperation between the two countries to facilitate documents needed by PMI children; and (3) Sabah Bridge and the Government of Indonesia provide repatriation scholarships to continue higher education in Indonesia. This research confirms that through diplomacy non-state actors can contribute to the national interests of their countries]]>
<![CDATA[DAMPAK PERUBAHAN IKLIM TERHADAP MIGRASI LINGKUNGAN DAN KEAMANAN MANUSIA DI BANGLADESH ]]>
<![CDATA[Madyar Dewi, Untari Narulita]]>;
<![CDATA[Haqqi, Halifa]]>;
<![CDATA[Mercia Karina]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of International Relations Vol 7 No 2 (2023): INDONESIAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ]]>
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DOI: 10.32787/ijir.v7i2.449
<![CDATA[The research explains the impact of climate change which resulted in environmental migration from Bangladesh to India. This study aims to analyze the impact of climate change on environmental migration from Bangladesh to India. The method used is a qualitative method with data collection through literature studies with the concept of human security by UNDP and the theory of environmental migration by Graeme Hugo. The results of this study indicate that the impact of climate change which is massively occurring in Bangladesh raises "push" and "pull" factors which result in environmental migration from Bangladesh to India. However, there are obstacles in the form of the entry of Bangladeshi people into India illegally and the implementation of policies that have limited information. This research can be used as a reference for further research.]]>
<![CDATA[PERANG AFGANISTAN ANTARA AMERIKA SERIKAT DAN TALIBAN TAHUN 2021: ANALISIS TRINITAS PERANG CLAUSEWITZ ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad Izzu Saukani]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of International Relations Vol 7 No 2 (2023): INDONESIAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Association for International Relations ]]>
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DOI: 10.32787/ijir.v7i2.450
<![CDATA[This article analyzes the Afghanistan war between the United States and the Taliban in 2021 through the Clausewitz war trinity in terms of the success or failure of the war. Analysis used a qualitative-explanative approach and literature study methods in collecting data, and using the Trinity of War theory as an analytical tool. The results of the study show that the trinity of war aspect, which consists of the people, the military and the government, has a major influence on the outcome of the US war in Afghanistan. The US decision to withdraw all its troops and allies in the Afghanistan war is considered a form of failure in this war. Nevertheless, this article does not deny that these conditions do not describe the failure to achieve the US political goals themselves, namely the assassination of the leader of the international terrorist organization (al-Qaida) Osama bin Laden as the main objective of the war]]>
<![CDATA[INDONESIA'S ECONOMIC DIPLOMACY IN INDONESIA-EFTA COMPREHENSIVE ECONOMIC PARTNERSHIP AGREEMENT (IE-CEPA) ]]>
<![CDATA[Santoso, Rizal Budi]]>;
<![CDATA[Moenardy, Dwi Fauziansyah]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of International Relations Vol 7 No 2 (2023): INDONESIAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Association for International Relations ]]>
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DOI: 10.32787/ijir.v7i2.456
<![CDATA[This article aims to analyze Indonesia's economic diplomacy in the Indonesia-EFTA Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (IE-CEPA), which can provide excellent opportunities for Indonesia to increase trade and investment with EFTA countries. The analytical framework used in this article is economic diplomacy with the operationalization of trade diplomacy, according to Okano-Heijmans. The research method in this article uses qualitative methods. The results of this article show that Indonesia's economic diplomacy gives a positive view of IE-CEPA as an important agreement to strengthen economic relations between Indonesia and EFTA countries through reducing import duty rates, eliminating non-tariff barriers, and protecting investment, which is expected to increase the power of competitiveness of Indonesian products in the European market and increase Indonesia's exports to EFTA countries.]]>
<![CDATA[THE OPERATIONAL IMPACTS OF THE U.S. – INDONESIA STRATEGIC PARTNERSHIP ON THE JOINT MILITARY EXERCISES GARUDA SHIELD ]]>
<![CDATA[Montolalu, Reynaldo Rudy Kristian]]>;
<![CDATA[Perwita, Anak Agung Banyu]]>;
<![CDATA[Sudibyo]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of International Relations Vol 7 No 2 (2023): INDONESIAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Association for International Relations ]]>
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DOI: 10.32787/ijir.v7i2.459
<![CDATA[Indonesia's increasingly strategic condition in the region has made the U.S. interested in cooperation that can better accommodate the two countries' national interests. Both countries established a Strategic Partnership which one of the objectives stipulated in the defense cooperation implemented through bilateral military exercises. Of the many militaries’ cooperation, the two countries have carried out, the author takes the case study of the Joint Military Exercise Garuda Shield, which is increasingly transforming from a peace operation training activity into a form of a military operation that tends to increase operationally. Through qualitative method, the research data were obtained from informants that had been previously determined. The result shows that the national interest of both countries was influenced by domestic and international factors, resulting in a shared interest that was projected in the Indo – Pacific region. The Strategic Partnership acts as the medium for both states to reach these interests, one of which by conducting bilateral military exercises. The U.S. – China rivalry factor has also driven Indonesia and the U.S. to interact in defense cooperation closer.]]>
<![CDATA[THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC EXPLOITED BY EXTREMISTS: A COMPARATIVE STUDY BETWEEN INDONESIA AND GERMANY ]]>
<![CDATA[Praditya, Yosua]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of International Relations Vol 7 No 2 (2023): INDONESIAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Association for International Relations ]]>
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DOI: 10.32787/ijir.v7i2.464
<![CDATA[This article aims to show that extreme groups, including their sympathizers, delegitimize the government by exploiting radical narratives during the Covid-19 pandemic. Two countries, namely Indonesia and Germany, as examples in a comparative study through qualitative methodology with risk society theory and conspiracy narratives. The results of the study show four findings, namely (1) the resistance response of extreme groups to the government increased during Covid-19; (2) online dissemination of radical narratives is increasing in both Indonesia and Germany; (3) the characteristics of extreme groups and their sympathizers are almost the same in Germany and Indonesia; and (4) the social life of society that coexists with technology is an entry point for extreme groups on social media. In conclusion, in the future, extreme groups and their sympathizers will always optimize their agenda online, because they succeeded in doing so during the implementation of the Covid-19 social restrictions.]]>
<![CDATA[RANTAI PASOKAN GLOBAL DAN NASIONALISME SUMBER DAYA ALAM: KAJIAN TERKAIT HILIRISASI NIKEL DI INDONESIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Barizi, Muhammad Hirza]]>;
<![CDATA[Triarda, Reza]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of International Relations Vol 7 No 2 (2023): INDONESIAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Association for International Relations ]]>
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DOI: 10.32787/ijir.v7i2.466
<![CDATA[This research explains the progress of Indonesia’s nickel down streaming despite in climate of resource nationalism. The concepts of global supply chain and hybrid resource nationalism are applied using descriptive qualitative methods with literature-based research as data collection. The research found that convergence between global business and the Indonesian government’s interest creates a favourable condition for the progress of nickel downstream. Global businesses are trying to diversify from the domination of the Chinese electric vehicle supply chain and Indonesia has become the ideal alternative. On the other hand, the Indonesian government needs foreign investment to sustain its resource nationalism project. As a result, resource nationalism that emerges in the nickel sector is moderate and not against foreign participation while foreign companies and governments are looking for new locations to lower the dependence on China. The combination of the two situations forms the main argument of this research as to how Indonesia’s nickel down streaming has been sustained]]>
<![CDATA[STRATEGI PERTAHANAN AMERIKA SERIKAT DALAM MERESPONS ANCAMAN TIONGKOK DI INDO-PASIFIK PADA MASA KEPEMIMPINAN JOE BIDEN ]]>
<![CDATA[Marianne Olivia Delanova]]>;
<![CDATA[Fadillah, Firman]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of International Relations Vol 7 No 2 (2023): INDONESIAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Association for International Relations ]]>
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DOI: 10.32787/ijir.v7i2.472
<![CDATA[This study aims to explain the geopolitical dynamics that are developing in the Indo-Pacific and examine how during Joe Biden's leadership he formed his defense approach to protect interests and maintain stability in the Indo- Pacific region. By using qualitative methods and data collection techniques, namely interviews, analysis of internet sources, and related literature. Neorealism theory according to Kenneth Waltz and Arthur Lykke's strategic concept are used. The results of the research through an analysis of and ends, ways, and means state that the US has the main strategy, namely by forming alliances and cooperation with regional countries and strengthening the strength of army personnel with joint exercises carried out with regional alliance countries. The existence of this strategy means that the US responds to China with caution.]]>
<![CDATA[SOUTH KOREA'S FOREIGN POLICY: UNVEILING FACTORS IN HALAL INDUSTRY DEVELOPMENT ]]>
<![CDATA[Konety, Neneng]]>;
<![CDATA[Nidatya, Nurfarah]]>;
<![CDATA[Akim]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of International Relations Vol 7 No 2 (2023): INDONESIAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ]]>
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DOI: 10.32787/ijir.v7i2.474
<![CDATA[This study aims to analyze the factors that underlie South Korea's foreign policy regarding halal industry development. The decision-making theory proposed by Richard C. Snyder, Bruck, and Burton Sapin is the theoretical framework employed, while employing a qualitative approach, literary study and interview techniques. The research findings reveal that the formulation of South Korea's foreign policy in the halal industry development can be explained through various variables. In conclusion, South Korea's halal industry policy draws from decision-making theory, considering internal factors like the Muslim population, economic goals, and innovation. Social structures and external influences, such as global demand and Muslim tourism, play significant roles.]]>
