Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities
Journal of Indonesian Social Science and Humanities (JISSH) is a peer-reviewed international journal in English organized by Deputy of Social Sciences and Humanities, Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI). It is published biannually and covers all aspects of Indonesia, regional and international studies from Indonesian perspective. JISSH features original research papers, research/dissertation summary, and book review. We welcome manuscript that is an unpublished paper and not ongoing proccessed at other publications from scholars, policymakers, experts, practitioners, and students. The Scope of JISSH : social; humanities; economic; culture; politic; regional
Articles
121 Documents
<![CDATA[Models and Strategies for Developing the Electricity Sector iIn Indonesia as a Key Element for Poverty Eradication: Evaluation of The First Year ]]>
<![CDATA[Maxensius Tri Sambodo]]>;
<![CDATA[Siwage Dharma Negara]]>;
<![CDATA[Ahmad Helmy Fuady]]>;
<![CDATA[Inne Dwi Astuti]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol 6, No 2 (2016): General Issue: Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Deputy of Social Sciences and Humanities, the Indonesia Institute of Sciences (LIPI) ]]>
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DOI: 10.14203/jissh.v6i2.41
<![CDATA[This study is part of multiyear research on electricity access at remote areas. The end goal of the study is to develop a model of electricity access in remote area. We collected a baseline information as part of quasi experimental study at some villages, in Satar Mese sub-district, East Nusa Tenggara. The baseline data showed three major fnding. First, households with electricity access spent signifcantly less on kerosene. Second, access to electricity increases spending on non-food items signifcantly. Third, because the o? grid SEHEN program is for lighting, we do not obtain strong evidence for a causal relation between electricity access and increases in working hours. We found that access to electricity can improve peoples welfare through increasing spending on food and non-food spending. This mechanism can work because the price of SEHEN is relatively cheaper than kerosene light. Thus, people obtained extra saving on energy spending. In the long terms, we expect, more jobs can be created when electricity production increases.]]>
<![CDATA[Identity Politics, Citizenship and the Soft State in Indonesia: An Essay ]]>
<![CDATA[Henk Schulte Nordholt]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol 1 (2008): Special Issue: Ten Years Reformasi ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Deputy of Social Sciences and Humanities, the Indonesia Institute of Sciences (LIPI) ]]>
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DOI: 10.14203/jissh.v1i1.1
<![CDATA[Since 1998, administrative decentralisation, regional autonomy and ethnic and religious conflicts in areas outside Java have put identity politics high on the political agenda in Indonesia. This paper examines various expressions of these new identity politics and how they are related to, and derived from, older colonial concepts and categories. Examples from Riau and Bali illustrate how ethnic and religious repertoires are used to express political ambitions and mobilise popular support. Since 1998 Indonesia also witnessed a successful transition to electoral democracy. Whether democracy will take root in a more substantial way depends on the extent to which a notion of citizenship can be reinforced. It is argued that this notion of citizenship can only be maintained through the strengthening of the rule of law. In this respect it is also important to focus on the uneasy relationship between electoral democracy and ethnic and religious sentiments that tend to give far more attention to exclusive group interests while excluding a shared sense of citizenship. The paper concludes that democracy and citizenship, which are based on the rule of law, can only be achieved by strengthening the administrative and law-enforcing capacity of the state.]]>
<![CDATA[The Economic Decolonisation of Indonesia: A Bird's-eye View ]]>
<![CDATA[J Thomas Lindblad]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol 4 (2011): General Issue: Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Deputy of Social Sciences and Humanities, the Indonesia Institute of Sciences (LIPI) ]]>
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DOI: 10.14203/jissh.v4i0.71
<![CDATA[This contribution offers an abridged account of the process of economic decolonisation as it unfolded between 1945 and 1959, from the proclamation of independence until the nationalisation of the vast majority of Dutch-owned companies that had retained operations in Indonesia after independence.1 Four themes serve as devices tofurther our understanding of the process of economic decolonisation. These four themes, in order of appearance, are below: the new spirit in Indonesian economic life following the transfer of sovereignty; the changing climate of economic policy-making during the 1950s; the response and accommodation by remaining Dutch companies; and, finally, the concluding phase of expropriation and nationalisation.]]>
<![CDATA[The Emergence of Female Politicians in Local Politics in Post-Suharto Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Kurniawati Hastuti Dewi]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol 5 (2015): General Issue: Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Deputy of Social Sciences and Humanities, the Indonesia Institute of Sciences (LIPI) ]]>
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DOI: 10.14203/jissh.v5i1.30
<![CDATA[This dissertation addresses factors behind the rise and victory of Javanese Muslim women political leaders in direct elections since 2005, in post-Suharto Indonesia. By using gender perspectives to examine political phenomenon, it reveals that that the role of Islam, gender, and networks are decisive to their political victory. The Islamic belief on female leadership at the local level, provides a strong religious foundation for Javanese Muslim women politicians to assume political leadership. Ability to use their gender in combination with the idea and practice of Islamic piety, and to use religio-political support and male/female base networks in political campaign, is signifcant. This fndings indicates that important social changes has occurred in postSuharto Indonesia in where more Muslim women continue to take political leadership role beginning in local politics and gradually rising to national politics. In broader scope, this dissertation signifes that a new trend of Muslim women political leaders evolving in politics colors future discourse on gender, politics and Islam in Indonesia and more generally in Southeast Asia]]>
<![CDATA[Othering the minority: Comparative Study of Papua Ethnic in Indonesia and Rohingnya Ethnic In Myanmar During Military Rule ]]>
<![CDATA[Insan Praditya Anugrah]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol 9, No 1 (2019): General Issue: Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Deputy of Social Sciences and Humanities, the Indonesia Institute of Sciences (LIPI) ]]>
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DOI: 10.14203/jissh.v9i1.83
<![CDATA[The paper examines the comparative study of subaltern between Papua in Indonesia’s New Order era and Rohingya in Myanmar during military rule. In Indonesia, the Papuan case is an example of how the centralistic military regime treats Papuan ethnic as an object and treats them as “the others” rather than considers them as a part of the “Indonesian entity” as the subject itself. Meanwhile, in Myanmar, Rohingya case is an example of how the centralistic military junta regime treats Rohingya ethnic as “the others” and considers them as foreigners in Myanmar. This paper found a significant difference between the treatment of the Indonesian military regime towards Papuan ethnic and the treatment of the Myanmar military junta regime towards Rohingya ethnic. In Indonesia, the military regime acknowledges Papuan as a citizen of Indonesia. However, the regime considers Papuan as the “different other” nonetheless. Their different race and ethnicity from Java and Malay ethnic as the majority ethnic are not the subjects of the cause, yet it is caused by Papuan traditional behavior which is regarded as “backward” as by the central regime. Meanwhile in Myanmar, since the enforcement of citizenship law in 1982, the military regime clearly does not acknowledge Rohingya from state citizenship because of their identities, such as religion and Rohingya's historical background.]]>
<![CDATA[Immersing in Diverse Asian Migration ]]>
<![CDATA[Dian Wahyu Utami]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol 9, No 2 (2019): Special Issue: "Indonesian Perspective on Migration, Refugee, and Diaspora Issue ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Deputy of Social Sciences and Humanities, the Indonesia Institute of Sciences (LIPI) ]]>
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DOI: 10.14203/jissh.v9i2.153
<![CDATA[Indonesia and The International Refugee Crisis: The Politics of Refugee Protection ]]>
<![CDATA[Raden Ajeng Rizka Fiani Prabaningtyas]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol 9, No 2 (2019): Special Issue: "Indonesian Perspective on Migration, Refugee, and Diaspora Issue ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Deputy of Social Sciences and Humanities, the Indonesia Institute of Sciences (LIPI) ]]>
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DOI: 10.14203/jissh.v9i2.152
<![CDATA[This article examines the politics of international refugee protection in Indonesia’s domestic contexts to better understand the discourse of security and protection within the context of Indonesia’s policies and practices in handling refugees This understanding is crucial to find insights relating to the protection gap in the Asia-Pacific region, as Indonesia holds a salient position in advancing the refugee protection regime in the region. Although Indonesia does not seem to employ a specific restrictive asylum and immigration policy as a filtering mechanism to prevent refugee flows from entering their territory, its anxiety and ambivalence to accommodate requests for protection from asylum seekers have characterized its approach towards refugee crises over time. Specifically, this essay analyzed the political discourse and practices in a specific social and political context by historically tracing the experiences of Indonesia in dealing with three refugee crises that took place in the region, namely the Indochinese refugee crisis, the Tampa incident, and the Rohingya humanitarian crisis. It will be argued that the contested discourse and practices of protection in the midst of continuing modulation of insecurity within states are the constitutive factor for the production of state’s approaches to protect refugees. This potentially affected the way states conduct their domestic and foreign policies in the attempt to affirm their national stance towards global refugee phenomena and to avoid greater responsibility without guaranteed cooperative behaviors and solidarity from other counterparts.]]>
<![CDATA[Mapping Indonesian Muslim Diaspora in the Netherlands ]]>
<![CDATA[Fachri Aidulsyah]]>;
<![CDATA[Gusnelly Gusnelly]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol 9, No 2 (2019): Special Issue: "Indonesian Perspective on Migration, Refugee, and Diaspora Issue ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Deputy of Social Sciences and Humanities, the Indonesia Institute of Sciences (LIPI) ]]>
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DOI: 10.14203/jissh.v9i2.150
<![CDATA[Since few years ago, Indonesian government has been concerning to gain many benefits from Indonesian diaspora in various regions in the world. There are many events and agendas provided by the government which are aimed to embrace many Indonesian diaspora for giving a great contribution towards their homelands. However, its vision for gaining attention from Indonesian diaspora tends to low because the government do not have Indonesian diaspora maps in details, comprehensive, as well as described by historical trajectory. This paper aims to understand the contribution of Indonesian Muslim diaspora by mapping the role of Indonesian Muslim Organizations in the Netherlands by socio-historical perspectives. The main reasons of the Netherlands as locus of this research are; Indonesian Muslim diaspora are the first actors who promoted Islam faces in this country since 1920s and it also was acknowledged as one of the highest Muslim populated countries in Europe. Afterwards, this paper shows that there are numerous Indonesian Muslim organizations in the Netherlands from different perspectives, mazhabs, and backgrounds. Even though the government did not pillarize Indonesian Muslim organizations, albeit most of them have strong connections with some Muslim organizations in Indonesia, starting from Nahdhatul Ulama (NU) until Salafist Movement.]]>
<![CDATA[Migrant Workers Empowerment Through Vocational Education and Community-Based Learning: A Study Case of Indonesian in Taiwan ]]>
<![CDATA[Paulus Rudolf Yuniarto]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol 9, No 2 (2019): Special Issue: "Indonesian Perspective on Migration, Refugee, and Diaspora Issue ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Deputy of Social Sciences and Humanities, the Indonesia Institute of Sciences (LIPI) ]]>
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DOI: 10.14203/jissh.v9i2.151
<![CDATA[Based on the observation of Indonesian migrant workers vocational training programs and community-based learning activities in Taiwan, the training programs play a part in assisting migrant workers to improve their skill and develop self-capacity building, to facilitate knowledge transfer and offer guidelines on productive financial management to migrant workers, and to introduce and develop intercultural communication with locals. However, financial and material support from stakeholders (government and communities) to develop skills and building an institution that can bridge migrants and stakeholders are still underdeveloped. Various constraints ranged from the large number of migrants, voluntary absences, lack of material support, under-qualified teachers, limited business skill training, and limited networking are challenges that need to be addressed. In addition, vocational education/training curriculum are old fashioned and exclusive (segmented, only for active and bright worker). In the future development, it is vital to support more on community-based education/training programs and open access to a life skill education (knowledge) that can increase the worker’s self-esteem or self-transformation (a semblance of future carrier).]]>
<![CDATA[The Prospect of ASEAN Migration Governance ]]>
<![CDATA[Sylvia Yazid]]>;
<![CDATA[Iyan Septiyana]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol 9, No 2 (2019): Special Issue: "Indonesian Perspective on Migration, Refugee, and Diaspora Issue ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Deputy of Social Sciences and Humanities, the Indonesia Institute of Sciences (LIPI) ]]>
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DOI: 10.14203/jissh.v9i2.155
<![CDATA[ASEAN member countries are migrant-sending and receiving countries. Around 7.3 million ASEAN citizens are migrant workers, more than 740 thousand refugees are from Myanmar, and many ASEAN citizens are victims of human trafficking. Frequently, these migrants get discriminatory treatment, which makes them unable to fulfill their human rights. ASEAN, as a regional organization, is an actor that can implement migration governance in the region. As a governance institution, ASEAN has several migration instruments relating to human trafficking and migrant workers. To implement this regional instrument, ASEAN forms bodies that function to encourage and protect migrant rights. The Rohingya people from Myanmar still experiences forced migration and displacement. However, ASEAN still does not have a comprehensive instrument that can be a source of regional governance toward the issue. This paper will discuss the prospects of ASEAN migration governance in resolving migration issues in the region.]]>
