Jurnal Politik Indonesia (Indonesian Journal of Politics)
Jurnal Politik Indonesia (Indonesian Journal of Politics - IJP) is a peer-reviewed journal that specifically covers areas of research in Democracy, Governance, Political Thought, Contemporary Politics, Ethics, and Discourse on Justice. Articles that discuss the theoretical aspects of Political Philosophy, Theories of Democracy, Governance, Ethics and Discourse on Justice are welcome, as well as pieces that engage in the discussion of democratic governance practices, election, and contemporary national and international politics.
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72 Documents
<![CDATA[PILKADA CALON TUNGGAL DI KABUPATEN PATI TAHUN 2017: SUATU TINJAUAN OLIGARKISME PARPOL ]]>
<![CDATA[Achmad Ronggo Prihatmono]]>;
<![CDATA[Kris Nugroho]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik indonesia (Indonesian Journal of Politics) Vol. 6 No. 1 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jpi.v6i1.29869
<![CDATA[The phenomenon of a single candidate lately happens a lot in Indonesia, especially in the sphere of local election democratic parties. In the elections held simultaneously in Indonesia in 2017, many regions in the elections were only attended by one candidate pair. This makes the climate of competition in democracy not as expected with democracy. Democracy aims to make elite circulation happen, so that the ruling elite does not dominate so that it becomes an oligarchy. Democracy can turn into an oligarchy if a small group of groups dominates and tries to maintain power in order to remain in the circle of power. We have encountered many oligarchs in political parties, where the DPP of political parties determines the direction of political parties, even in determining the candidates to be carried by political parties in the elections and political lobbying in forming coalitions. The author uses the theory of iron oligarchy Robert Michels as an analytical aid. The research method uses descriptive qualitative research methods in explaining the phenomena that occur. Research data obtained through in-depth interviews with informants. The results show that the phenomenon of a single candidate is not always due to the high electability of a candidate pair, it can also occur because of the dominant oligarchy in political parties at the central level affects to the regional level.]]>
<![CDATA[PRAKTIK POLITIK TATA RUANG DI KABUPATEN TUBAN DALAM PROSES INDUSTRIALISASI ]]>
<![CDATA[Bayu Priambodo]]>;
<![CDATA[Muhammad Chabibi]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik indonesia (Indonesian Journal of Politics) Vol. 7 No. 1 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jpi.v7i1.29971
<![CDATA[Spatial planning has only been seen as an effort to meet development growth and only focuses on economic development. However spatial planning should not only focus on the economic sector but should also pay attention to other crucial sectors. This indicates that it does not take into account the zoning and purpose of spatialisation. This study attempts to look at ow the spatial planning process in Tuban Regency is undergoing a process of industrialization because many large factories are relocating to the Tuban area. The relocation of the factory to the Tuban area has increased the practice of spatial planning politics. The practice of spatial planning politics in Tuban Regency in this study is analyzed using Lefebvre's point of view which states that there are three parties to spatial planning. The method in this study is qualitative and the data collection technique uses the interview method. The results of this research show that the practice of space can be seen from how the government, the private sector and the community collaborate with each other to provide space so that industrialization can run. Many large factories are starting to be built in the Tuban area. The representation of space can be seen from how the government of Tuban Regency plans the arrangement so that there is an even distribution in each region. The northern and western regions are more focused on industrialization. The southern region is more focused on agricultural areas. the central region is focused on the center of government and trade and for the east it is focused on tourist attractions. The third is the representation space where this can be seen from how the government of Tuban Regency makes efforts to control the conversion of agricultural land for food. This is done because every year the agricultural land in Tuban Regency is decreasing so it needs to be maintained to maintain food security.]]>
<![CDATA[PRO DAN KONTRA TERHADAP KEBIJAKAN MANTAN NARAPIDANA KORUPSI DALAM PENCALONAN LEGISLATIF ]]>
<![CDATA[Alvin Fauzi]]>;
<![CDATA[Haryadi Haryadi]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik indonesia (Indonesian Journal of Politics) Vol. 6 No. 2 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jpi.v6i2.30419
<![CDATA[his study discusses the prohibition of ex-corruption convicts who registered themselves as legislative candidates. Even this is supported by Article 7 paragraph 1 letter g PKPU. However, the Bawaslu (Election Oversight Body) allowed it and it is also supported by Yasonna Laoly, Minister of Justice and Human Rights of Indonesia, with the consideration that the regulations stipulated by PKPU contradict Law No. 7 of 2017 which states that ex-convicts are considered to have the same political rights as other citizens, a right guaranteed by the constitution. This study employs political contestation theory that explains the actions or processes that are disputed, for example ideological contestation on social policy, as well as political electoral theory that explains a system for making political decisions in which individuals gain the power to decide through competitive over people’s voices.]]>
<![CDATA[THE CONCEPT OF POLARITY AND CENTRES OF POWER IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ]]>
<![CDATA[Nuke Faridha Wardhani]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik indonesia (Indonesian Journal of Politics) Vol. 7 No. 2 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jpi.v7i2.31126
<![CDATA[This paper explains the concept of polarity and centres of power where the poles are divided into three types in the international system. To be a great power, the states build and maintain their power capability in the system, and that capability is growing in every period, such as the emergence of nuclear power in the Cold War era. Furthermore, the scholars of international relations have different perceptions to determine the poles after the Cold War until this era whether the international system is unipolar or multipolar or even bipolar, as several countries are predicted to be potential great power in the forthcoming years.]]>
<![CDATA[AKSI KOLEKTIF DALAM GERAKAN PENOLAKAN AHLI FUNGSI LAHAN HUTAN OLEH PERUM PERHUTANI DI DESA SOLOKURO KABUPATEN LAMONGAN ]]>
<![CDATA[Syifa'ul Qulub]]>;
<![CDATA[Aribowo Aribowo]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik indonesia (Indonesian Journal of Politics) Vol. 6 No. 2 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jpi.v6i2.30424
<![CDATA[This study focuses on the motives of community participation in collective action in the form of displacement over the function of forest land in Solokuro Village, Lamongan Regency. The researcher used a qualitative descriptive method with the aim to explore the findings. For the theoretical framework, the researcher chose Mancur Olson's collective action theory in exploring the phenomenon of collective movement. This theory explains the motives of individual participation in collection activities, supported by individual’s interests. For communities who have lost their lands, they surely will be involved the collective actions with the hope that they will obtain the land permit back. For society in general, their participation in the movement was aimed to fight for the access of village road. The participation of community leaders and NGOs had purpose to obtain social incentives. Collective action conducted by the people of Solokuro Village succeeded in driving the developer out of the village forest land as a form of collective purposes and it can be seen when the community obtained the forest management permit back, namely Social Forestry Decree.]]>
<![CDATA[PERSPEKTIF POLITICAL JUSTICE DI DALAM IMPLEMENTASI BPJS PBI DI KOTA SURABAYA ]]>
<![CDATA[Tamy Nur Nabilah]]>;
<![CDATA[Kris Nugroho]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik indonesia (Indonesian Journal of Politics) Vol. 6 No. 1 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jpi.v6i1.29870
<![CDATA[This study discusses the perspective of Political Justice in the Implementation of BPJS PBI in Surabaya. The study aims to determine the implementation of BPJS PBI in Surabaya has fulfilled Political Justice and the implementation of BPJS PBI in Surabaya is adequate as a form of political justice. The research method that uses is descriptive qualitative because it presents a detailed description of the situation or social phenomenon. Methods of data collection using direct interviews with resource persons include: Head of Surabaya City Health Office, Surabaya City DPRD Commission D, Lurah, PBJS recipient community. The results showed that the implementation of BPJS PBI in Surabaya City had not yet fulfilled Political Justice, based on indicators of fairness, equality, equality, and impartiality. The implementation of BPJS PBI in the city of Surabaya is also inadequate as a form of political justice because the state still determines justice in terms of profit and loss to health because the way of thinking lies in the amount of current contributions that do not match the actual calculation. Therefore, the implementation of the Health Insurance for the Poor program funded by the Surabaya City Regional Budget has not yet fulfilled the concept of Political Justice. This can be seen that there are still Health Insurance recipients who are not on target because of lack of accuracy in the process of verifying data on the poor in Surabaya, easy to get a Poor Certificate (SKM) that applies only once, and there are still groups of welfare recipients, so there is no meet the aspects of equity and justice.]]>
<![CDATA[PERAN STAKEHOLDER DALAM MENDUKUNG IMPLEMENTASI KEBIJAKAN KAMPUNG KELUARGA BERENCANA: STUDI DESA JAMBEWANGI KECAMATAN SEMPU KABUPATEN BANYUWANGI ]]>
<![CDATA[Eko Setyo Widodo]]>;
<![CDATA[Kris Nugroho]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik indonesia (Indonesian Journal of Politics) Vol. 7 No. 1 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jpi.v7i1.31098
<![CDATA[The family planning village in Jambewangi village of Banyuwangi regency has been awarded the title of provice and national pilot KB Village in the year of 2019. Motivated by the commitment and active role of various components of stakeholders to foster and accompany the society in the process of implementation of the KB village policy. All stakeholders involved can provide coaching and facilitation to improve the utilization of all potential of the welfare and acceleration of the development of Jambewangi village. Each stakeholder involved has different influences and interests. It is also influenced by power or authority over the policy itself. This study was qualitative with a descriptive approach. Data were collected using observation and deep interviews. After examining the validity, data were analyzed by presenting the data that is simultaneously analyzed and interpreted according to the analysis theory of stakeholder role to be concluded. This study explains the analysis of the role of stakeholders involved in the implementation of family planning village in Jambewangi village of Banyuwangi regency, which are grouped based on interests and power on policies in accordance with Bryson's stakeholder analysis theory. From the results of this study, it was concluded that the grouping of stakeholders in this study had the aim to find out the parties involved in the implementation of the policy including its roles, interests, and impacts arising from the implementation of the policy program.]]>
<![CDATA[STRATEGI PEMENANGAN CALEG PARTAI GERINDRA DALAM PEMILU LEGISLATIF 2019: STUDI KASUS BAMBANG PUJIANTO DAPIL 2 SIDOARJO ]]>
<![CDATA[Bintang Widiowati]]>;
<![CDATA[Wisnu Pramutanto]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik indonesia (Indonesian Journal of Politics) Vol. 6 No. 2 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jpi.v6i2.30420
<![CDATA[The present study discusses the strategy of winning the Gerindra party candidates in Sidoarjo. In this case the problem that occurs is the struggle for the seat of Si- doarjo regency DPRD. In this thesis the researcher will explain the winning strat- egies, challenges and obstacles during the campaign process of the Gerindra party candidates. Seeing within the framework of the theory of Firmanzah which states that political marketing is divided into 4 programs (4P) namely: Product, Promo- tion, Price, Place. In this research, it will be seen how the winning strategy carried out by the Gerindra party candidates (Bambang Pudjianto) in electoral districts 2 of Sidoarjo regency, where he is an incumbent candidate who has advanced as a people's representative. His strategy is to rely on 3 products of political jargon; # win us, the medical check-up program and aspiration stalls that reap the enthusias- tic response of citizens. With the strategy carried out by Bambang Pudjianto, he succeeded in attracting the sympathy of the people so that he was re-elected as the sidoarjo district parliament.]]>
<![CDATA[POLITIK PENGUPAHAN DAN RELASI ANTARSTAKEHOLDER DALAM PROSES PENETAPAN UPAH MINIMUM KOTA SURABAYA TAHUN 2016 ]]>
<![CDATA[Reza Putri Dewanti]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik indonesia (Indonesian Journal of Politics) Vol. 7 No. 2 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jpi.v7i2.30453
<![CDATA[Disahkannya Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 78 Tahun 2015 tentang Pengupahan menimbulkan permasalahan baru dalam penetapan upah minimum di daerah. Asosiasi pengusaha dan serikat pekerja tampak saling bertentangan dalam menyikapi regulasi baru tersebut. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui dinamika dari proses penetapan Upah Minimum Kota (UMK) Surabaya Tahun 2016 yang termanifestasikan dalam Peraturan Gubernur No 68 Tahun 2015, serta relasi dari para stakeholder dalam menentukan besaran kenaikan UMK Surabaya untuk tahun 2016. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif deskriptif dimana pengumpulan data dilakukan melalui wawancara dan observasi secara mendalam dengan menggunakan instrumen pedoman wawancara. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa proses penetapan Upah Minimum Kota Surabaya untuk tahun 2016 masih diwarnai konflik kepentingan antara asosiasi pengusaha dan serikat pekerja yang ditandai dengan munculnya dua usulan nominatif yang berbeda. Dengan kewenangan yang dimiliki sebagai kepala daerah tingkat provinsi, Gubernur Jawa Timur memutuskan mengambil kebijakan diskresi dengan mempertimbangkan unsur kepentingan berbagai pihak meskipun secara matematis dan dari sisi regulatif menyimpang dari formula baru yang termuat dalam PP 78/2015 tentang Pengupahan. Relasi antarstakeholder dalam proses penetapan cenderung mengarah pada dominasi relasi antara Gubernur Jawa Timur dengan serikat pekerja. Karena keputusan penetapan lebih banyak dipengaruhi oleh tekanan aksi demonstrasi yang dilakukan oleh serikat pekerja. Sedangkan relasi pemerintah dengan pengusaha terlihat lebih dekat pada saat proses penangguhan upah]]>
<![CDATA[AL QAEDA’S RADICAL IDEOLOGY ]]>
<![CDATA[Ararat Kostanian]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik indonesia (Indonesian Journal of Politics) Vol. 7 No. 1 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jpi.v7i1.30034
<![CDATA[The purpose of the essay is to illustrate the Ideological aspect of al Qaeda that constitutes the pillar of the organisation based on distinct interpretation of Quran and biased understanding of the meaning of Jihad. The functional method of al Qaeda is not simplistic or unsystematic, aimed at particular target or focused or specific country or region. The creation of such transnational organisation couldn’t have been revealed without political Ideology with its manifesto and the mechanism to spread its messages all over the world. It will not be correct to put al Qaeda among the category of the classical terror groups as I have shown in the essay as a comparison. Moreover, it is not similar to any categories of political Islam movements; since the distinction between Jihad and waging war has always been differentiated in the context of Political Islam. Whereas al Qaeda declares enemies in the house of Islam as well to countries, people and Institutions differ with their own created ideology. This distorted ideology has spread all over the world and become an enemy to Islam itself, which harmed the reputation of Islam as a religion. Attention on the ideologic context of al Qaeda hasn’t been researched well, unknown to majority of the experts. Instead, the attention at most has been put on its ground actions, security concerns and counter terrorism.]]>
