Global Focus
Global Focus is a bilingual peer-reviewed journal that issues bi-annually in April and October. The Journal is managed and published by the Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Brawijaya. Global Focus is an interdisciplinary journal that welcomes manuscripts of original empirical, analytic, and theoretical global studies. The purpose of Global Focus is to provide readers a broad, complex, and dynamic process of interactive decision-making that is continually evolving and responding to global political changes. The particular topics relevant to this Journal are international security, global political economy, global ethics and culture, transnational issues, and other related sub-fields. The Journal focuses on these main themes: - The rising of transnational actors/issues within global politics; - The alternative and beyond states perspective, and; - The interplay of global-local/international-domestic.
Articles
84 Documents
<![CDATA[Saudi Arabia's Efforts to Maintain Global Oil Supply in the Persian Gulf ]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Focus Vol 3, No 1 (2023) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Brawijaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.21776/ub.jgf.2023.003.01.3
<![CDATA[The purpose of this study is to describe Saudi Arabia's efforts to maintain global oil supplies in the Persian Gulf. The research method used is descriptive qualitative using library research as a data collection technique. The results obtained from this study are that the efforts made by Saudi Arabia in maintaining global oil supplies in the Persian Gulf consist of two efforts, namely military and non-military efforts. Saudi Arabia's military efforts are joining the United States maritime coalition to carry out sentinel operations and conducting Sentinel Coalition Task Force (CTF) exercises as an increase in security cooperation between Saudi Arabia and the United States to protect oil shipments in the Persian Gulf. As for the non-military efforts made by Saudi Arabia, namely by holding an emergency meeting with the Gulf countries to inform them that a serious effort or effort is needed to protect the security of shipping in the Persian Gulf because of attacks that have occurred before, namely on two Saudi Arabian tankers which were sabotaged and released. the coast of Fujairah and drone attacks on oil fields or oil processing facilities in the Saudi cities of Khurais and Abqaiq.]]>
<![CDATA[Ekspansi Fast Fashion melalui Jaringan Produksi Global terhadap Penyerapan Tenaga Kerja di Jawa Barat ]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Focus Vol 3, No 1 (2023) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Brawijaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.21776/ub.jgf.2023.003.01.4
<![CDATA[Penelitian ini akan membahas mengenai ekspansi kapital yang bergerak lewat Jaringan Produksi Global yang ditenggarai oleh pergerakan budaya Fast Fashion terhadap penyerapan tenaga kerja di Jawa Barat. Penelitian ini menggunakan konsep Ekspansi Kapital dengan menggunakan logika dasar Kapitalisme serta konsep Jaringan Produksi Global. Tulisan ini terbatas pada dampak ekonomi dari jaringan produksi global tekstil dan fast fashion terhadap penyerapan tenaga kerja di Jawa Barat sehingga masing masing daerah baik kota maupun kabupaten memiliki produktivitas ekonomi serta mampu membantu Indonesia dalam meningkatkan investasi luar negeri, berkompetisi dengan negara berkembang dan memiliki ekspor industri padat karya terbesar di kawasan maupun global. Tulisan ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif deskriptif dengan sumber penelitian primer maupun sekunder yang berasal dari hasil observasi ke institusi pemerintah, internet based research, serta studi kepustakaan. Penelitian ini menjelaskan dan percaya bahwa dengan adanya jaringan produksi global di sektor fast fashion mampu menurunkan angka pengangguran dan meningkatkan produktivitas ekonomi di Jawa Barat serta meningkatkan nilai ekspor tekstil Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[A New Lighthouse on the Horizon: The Emergence of ASEAN-China Comprehensive Strategic Partnership ]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Focus Vol 3, No 1 (2023) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Brawijaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.21776/ub.jgf.2023.003.01.2
<![CDATA[Recently, China has made a comprehensive strategic partnership (CSP) with ASEAN that would open up more opportunities for the two parties. However, some view it as another success on China’s part as it now has gained influence over ASEAN. But such a view that downplays ASEAN into a mere instrument for China’s plan in the region would not provide a proper view. Through the use of qualitative research methods over data gathered through the internet and documents, the article seeks to shed light over the forthcoming points. First, the article lays out the things that the CSP brings both for ASEAN-China relations and ASEAN’s standing in the Indo-Pacific. Here, the partnership paves the way for stronger ties between ASEAN and China, not to mention the impact it has towards ASEAN’s growing centrality. The article then proceeds with the challenges that may arise following the emergence of the partnership. On this matter, the inconsistent cohesion within ASEAN along with the ongoing competition for influence in the region can be viewed as some of the challenges. After that, a discussion over the many opportunities for enhancement is also presented. Here, the partnership would allow ASEAN to maintain its growing centrality in its many channels, one of which is its ASEAN way that guides the interactions and norm settings in the region. With all that laid out, it can be understood that the creation of the partnership does not make ASEAN lose its luster, rather it accentuates its centrality in the Indo-Pacific.]]>
<![CDATA[The US Foreign Policy towards China during Trump Administration ]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Focus Vol 3, No 1 (2023) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Brawijaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.21776/ub.jgf.2023.003.01.6
<![CDATA[To analyze the administration's Asia-Pacific strategy, its implementation is addressed, with the Trans-Pacific Partnership as the most essential part. When the PRC strengthened under Xi Jinping, China's aspirations and reaction to Obama's policies were to examine the potential of more engagement and the Sino American relationship as Trump assumed office in 2017. Trump maintained a combative foreign policy against China, eschewing dialogue. Trump's rejection of the Trans-Pacific Partnership, which was Obama's most important Asia-Pacific policy, his tariffs on Chinese exports, which sparked a trade war, and his attempt to halt Huawei's 5G network for allegedly being a Chinese spying instruments are all relevant issues. The Trump administration wanted to pursue the same ends as the engagement strategy, but through confrontation rather than engagement; to decouple from China, persuade other nations to join America in opposition to China, and bring about a Cold War-like world; or if US foreign policy had shed its idealism, putting "America First" to reach modest concessions on unfair Chinese trade practices on a bilateral basis.]]>
<![CDATA[Tracking the Money: The Case of 1MDB Scandal ]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Focus Vol 3, No 1 (2023) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Brawijaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.21776/ub.jgf.2023.003.01.5
<![CDATA[The UN estimated US$800 billion to US$2 trillion is laundered every year. But unfortunately, about 90% of this amount remains undetectable to this day. This money laundering activity performs money laundering services on behalf of other people as their core business and is usually carried out in a different country. In this case, of course, money laundering becomes a complex transnational crime. This crime is widespread throughout the world, including in Malaysia. Malaysia is a country with an upper-middle-income economy that is very open to exposure to various threats of money laundering. According to Money Laundering Risk in 2022 data by the Basel Institute of Governance, Malaysia ranks 54th out of 128 countries with a score of 5.33 where a score of 10 indicates the highest risk. Even though Malaysia has the instruments to detect criminal acts, unfortunately, cooperation and political will are still considered lacking, making it difficult to eradicate it. This paper was compiled to identify money laundering in transnational crimes, and also to analyze the model of condition and model of operation in the 1MDB corruption case.]]>
<![CDATA[Pengaruh Pemberitaan CNN Tentang Omran Daqneesh Dalam Kebijakan Peningkatan Kuota Pengungsi Di Amerika Serikat ]]>
<![CDATA[Faudzan, Vidi Milathul]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Focus Vol 3, No 2 (2023) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Brawijaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.21776/ub.jgf.2023.003.02.4
<![CDATA[Pada tanggal 17 Agustus 2016 dunia dihebohkan oleh sebuah video anak kecil korban perang Suriah. Anak itu diketahui bernama Omran Daqneesh. CNN sebagai media terbesar di AS memberitakan Omran dengan intens. Satu bulan pasca viralnya video ini, Amerika Serikat mengumumkan kebijakan peningkatan kuota pengungsi yang merupakan peningkatan tertinggi di masa pemerintahan Obama. Lebih menarik karena respon AS terhadap pemberitaan Omran sangat besar yang dibuktikan dengan disebutnya nama Omran dan Suriah ketika Obama meresmikan kebijakan tersebut. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk membutikan apakah pemberitaan CNN tentang Omran Daqneesh memiliki pengaruh dalam kebijakan peningkatan kuota pengungsi AS atau tidak dengan menggunakan Policy-Media Interaction Model yang diperkenalkan oleh Piers Robinson. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode kualitatif dengan jenis penelitian deskriptif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa pemberitaan CNN tentang Omran Daqneesh memiliki pengaruh yang kuat (strong CNN effect) dalam kebijakan peningkatan kuota pengungsi. Hal ini dibuktikan dengan terjadinya wavering policy, jumlah emphaty framing yang lebih banyak dibandingkan distance framing, dan jumlah critical framing yang lebih banyak dibandingkan supportive framing.]]>
<![CDATA[Upaya Framing Stop Funding Hate Terhadap Isu Pembentukan Sentimen Rasisme Oleh Media Di Inggris Tahun 2016-2018 ]]>
<![CDATA[Nafisa, Auli]]>;
<![CDATA[Triarda, Reza]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Focus Vol 3, No 2 (2023) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Brawijaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.21776/ub.jgf.2023.003.02.5
<![CDATA[Inggris adalah salah satu negara yang menerima imigran dan pencari suaka dimana jumlahnya mencapai angka yang signifikan dari berbagai negara. Meningkatnya imigran di Inggirs memunculkan xenophobia di Inggirs dan meningkatkan rasisme yang disebabkan oleh pemberitaan pers dan media di Inggris. Media-media tersebut memunculkan retorika kebencian terhadap imigran yang menciptakan sentimen rasisme pada imigran. Isu pembangunan sentimen rasisme menjadi permasalahan yang dilakukan oleh tiga media besar di Inggris yang paling banyak menciptakan sentimen rasisme, yaitu The Sun, Daily Mail, dan Daily Express. Diskriminasi ini kemudian memunculkan gerakan perlawanan bernama Stop Funding Hate pada 2016 yang bertujuan untuk mengajak dan engage dengan perusahaan-perusahaan untuk melakukan ‘ethical advertising’ dengan menarik dan mencegah periklanan. Untuk mendeskripsikan upaya yang dilakukan oleh gerakan ini, artikel ini menggunakan konsep strategi Framing oleh Jurgen Gerhards. Aksi gerakan ini membawa hasil positif dengan adanya penarikan iklan sentimen rasisme, permintaan maaf oleh pihak media, hingga pemutusan kerjasama perusahaan dengan tiga media besar tersebut.]]>
<![CDATA[IDENTITY, CULTURE, AND SECURITY: HUNGARY'S DIFFERING POSITIONS ON MUSLIM AND NON-MUSLIM REFUGEES IN THE 2015 AND 2022 EUROPEAN REFUGEE CRISIS ]]>
<![CDATA[Trisonia, Lina]]>;
<![CDATA[Makhroja, Mega Nisfa]]>;
<![CDATA[Mahmuluddin, Mahmuluddin]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Focus Vol. 4 No. 1 (2024) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Brawijaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.21776/ub.jgf.2024.004.01.4
<![CDATA[The European refugee problem has attracted global attention, especially amid the influxes of people in 2015 and 2022. Hungary, being a member state of the European Union, shown divergent stances towards refugees originating from the Middle East and Ukraine. The purpose of this essay is to examine Hungary's unique position regarding refugees, both Muslim and non-Muslim, during times of crisis, and to clarify the underlying causes behind these positions. This analysis examines how Hungary's attitude to refugees was influenced by cultural identity and national security, using the constructivism theory proposed by Peter J. Katzenstein and the notion of Migration and Security. Research findings suggest that Hungary's position towards Muslim migrants was greatly influenced by unfavourable stigmas connected with Islam and worries regarding national security. Additionally, these beliefs were additionally shaped by the political dynamics and domestic policies of Hungary. This study provides deep insights into the interrelation of identity, culture, and national security in influencing a nation's approach to refugees.Keywords: Refugee Crisis, Muslim Refugees, Non-Muslim Refugees, Hungary]]>
<![CDATA[Industri Makanan Halal: Perbandingan Indonesia dan Malaysia ]]>
<![CDATA[Fatonah, Isti]]>;
<![CDATA[Trihartono, Agus]]>;
<![CDATA[Hara, Abubakar Eby]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Focus Vol 3, No 2 (2023) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Brawijaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.21776/ub.jgf.2023.003.02.3
<![CDATA[Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengeksplorasi dan membandingkan industri makanan halal Indonesia dan Malaysia. Industri makanan halal di kedua negara akan dibandingkan menggunakan tiga indikator yaitu sertifikasi halal, regulasi halal, serta strategi nation branding. Ketiga indikator ini akan di analisa menggunakan konsep good governance dan nation branding. Hasilnya, dalam sertifikasi halal, Indonesia dan Malaysia merupakan salah satu yang terbaik di dunia. Dalam hal regulasi halal, Malaysia memiliki regulasi yang sudah jelas sehingga memudahkan pihak luar yang ingin mendaftarkan kehalalalan produk mereka. Sementara itu, regulasi halal Indonesia masih kurang jelas. Dalam hal nation branding, Malaysia sudah mulai mengukuhkan posisinya di kancah dunia melalui branding ‘global halal hub’. Sementara Indonesia juga ingin mengikuti langkah branding yang sama. Indonesia dan Malaysia sama – sama negara mayoritas muslim. Dan ada indikasi justru hal ini malah memperlambat pertumbuhan industri halal.]]>
<![CDATA[Editorial Foreword ]]>
<![CDATA[Focus, Global]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Focus Vol. 4 No. 1 (2024) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Brawijaya ]]>
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