Journal of Integrative International Relations
Journal of Integrative International Relations (JIIR) published by Center for Integrative International Studies Laboratory, Faculty of Political and Social Sciences, State Islamic University of Sunan Ampel Surabaya in association with The Indonesian Islamic Studies and International Relations Association (INSIERA). The journal published multi-disciplinary, inter-disciplinary, and trans-disciplinary approach articles on various issues in the field of International Relations. Special attention is given to the acedemic articles related to Islamic Integration methodology which synthesis critically between Islamic Studies and International Relations.
Articles
47 Documents
<![CDATA[Minilateralism and Great Power Competition during the COVID-19 Pandemic: A Case Study of Mekong Region ]]>
<![CDATA[Arrizal Anugerah Jaknanihan]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Integrative International Relations Vol. 7 No. 1 (2022): May ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, State Islamic University (UIN) of Sunan Ampel Surabaya, Indonesia ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/jiir.2022.7.1.1-20
<![CDATA[Minilateral institutions such as Lancang-Mekong Cooperation and Lower Mekong Initiative have an indispensable role in channeling the influence of external powers to the Mekong region. This article analyzes the impact of US-China competition on minilateral institutions in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. By using institutional balancing theory, this article explains the geopolitical and geoeconomic imperative behind the minilateral cooperation in Mekong during the pandemic. As the external powers compete for influence, the range of minilateral cooperation has expanded to solve the issues brought by the pandemic, especially health security and economic recovery. However, notwithstanding the assistance, Mekong countries remain steadfast in maintaining their autonomy. Regional powers such as Vietnam and Thailand did this by harnessing the intra-regional institution and diversifying their partners.]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Potensi Sebaran Paham Radikalisme dalam Proses Perkuliahan Daring di UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya ]]>
<![CDATA[Narindra Krisna Murthi]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Integrative International Relations Vol. 7 No. 1 (2022): May ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, State Islamic University (UIN) of Sunan Ampel Surabaya, Indonesia ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/jiir.2022.7.1.21-42
<![CDATA[The Covid pandemic has proven not only to have an impact on the health and economic sectors, but also education. On the other hand, the national security sector is also threatened, with the opportunity for terrorist groups to take advantage of the chaos situation. This study focuses on the potential threat of the spread of radicalism, which targets students, especially UINSA students during the online lecture process. The results of this study indicate that there is an opportunity for a shift in the methods used by terrorist groups to influence students, namely with the rise of Cyberterrorism during the Pandemic. This study explains this phenomenon using qualitative research methods and describes the results of questionnaires filled out by students of UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya, as the basis for the potential for the spread of radicalism through the internet and social media, which are currently the main learning platforms.]]>
<![CDATA[Demokrasi Radikal sebagai Alternatif Tatanan Politik Global dalam Konteks Multikulturalisme ]]>
<![CDATA[Dewi Setiyaningsih]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Integrative International Relations Vol. 6 No. 2 (2021): November ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, State Islamic University (UIN) of Sunan Ampel Surabaya, Indonesia ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/jiir.2021.6.2.64-74
<![CDATA[This article discusses the relevancy of cosmopolitan democracy concept in multicultural world. It argues that cosmopolitan democracy concept is not enough in achieving a just and equal political order the context of plural world-citizenship, it showed by the practice of economic, social and political structure which prevails. Hence, this article tried to search an alternative in attempt to make the idea of cosmopolitan democracy become more realistic and inclusive by adopting radical democracy concept. Firstly, it discuss the critics of Kant’s cosmopolitan view using Spivak’s conception of Planetarity. Secondly, it discuss about the plural democracy by Mouffe’s in the context of planetarity. This combination that yields a plural democracy in the context of world-citizenship.]]>
<![CDATA[Peran Unchr dalam Permasalahan Pengungsi Konflik Ethiophia-Tigray ]]>
<![CDATA[Feyza Raharsh Lumintosari]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Integrative International Relations Vol. 6 No. 2 (2021): November ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, State Islamic University (UIN) of Sunan Ampel Surabaya, Indonesia ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/jiir.2021.6.2.75-89
<![CDATA[The conflict between Ethiopia and Tigray which began in November 2020 is a conflict caused by political and ideological differences between the Federal government of Ethiopia and the Tigray ethnic group until a clash between the two caused thousands of people to die, not only a ceasefire, the Ethiopia-Tigray conflict also caused a humanitarian crisis. one of the reasons is because the Ethiopian federal government has closed access to the Tigray area so that no one can enter or leave the Tigray area and make thousands of other people have to flee to other places due to conditions that are no longer conducive. By using the question how is the role of UNCHR in providing protection for refugees from Tigray, because as an organization that is engaged in refugee issues and is tasked with finding solutions for refugees by collaborating with partners in providing facilities to refugees and providing international protection. This writing uses qualitative methods with library studies which are then analyzed descriptively. Konflik antara Ethiophia dan Tigray yang dimulai pada November 2020 merupakan konflik yang disebabkan oleh Perbedaan politik dan Ideologi antara pemerintahan Federal Ethiophia dan kelompok etnis Tigray hingga terjadi benturan diantara keduannya yang menyebabkan ribuan orang meninggal tidak hanya gencatan senjata konflik Ethiophia-Tigray juga menyebabkan adanya krisis kemanusiaan salah satu penyebabnya adalah karena pemerintah federal Ethiophia menutup akses wilayah Tigray sehingga tidak ada yang bisa masuk atau keluar dari wilayah Tigray dan membuat ribuan orang lainnya harus mengungsi ke tempat lain dikarenakan kondisi yang sudah tidak kondusif lagi. Dengan menggunakan pertanyaan bagaimana peran UNCHR dalam memberikan perlindungan terhadap pengungsi dari Tigray, karena sebagai organisasi yang bergerak dalam permasalahan pengungsian dan bertugas mencari jalan keluar bagi para pengungsi dengan bekerjasama dengan mitranya dalam memberikan fasilitas kepada para pengungsi dan memberikan perlindungan interasional. Penulisan ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan studi Pustaka yang kemudian di analisis secara deskriptif.]]>
<![CDATA[Dampak Perdamaian Dunia Arab dan Israel Terhadap Hubungan Diplomatik antara Palestina dan Uea ]]>
<![CDATA[Rifka Nurohma Subdihadi]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Integrative International Relations Vol. 6 No. 2 (2021): November ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, State Islamic University (UIN) of Sunan Ampel Surabaya, Indonesia ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/jiir.2021.6.2.89-102
<![CDATA[Keputusan Normalisai Uni Emirat Arab terhadap Israel sangat mengejutkan bagi negara-negara Islam. Dampak dari Normalisasi terhadapa hubungan diplomatik Dunia Arab kepada Palestina terancam. Metode penelitian Kualitatif bertujuan untuk menggali dan memahami makna perilaku atau interaksi sosial. Konsep dari Normalisasi hubungan Uni Emirat Arab, digunakan di dalam penelitian ini untuk menelaah dan mengetahui tujuan dari perdamaian kedua negara tersebut. Kemudian penelitian ini bisa menjadi pengetahuan makna, proses dan konteks dari suatu isu. Konflik Palestina-Israel terjadi sangat lama dan tidak menemukan tiitk terang, namun tiba-tiba UEA menormalisasikan hubungannya dengan Israel dan dikecam oleh negara-negara islam lainnya sehingga disebut sebagai penghianat muslim.]]>
<![CDATA[Islam dalam Pusaran Konflik: Syiah dan Sunni Era Dinasti Safawi ]]>
<![CDATA[Aji Cahyono Aji]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Integrative International Relations Vol. 7 No. 1 (2022): May ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, State Islamic University (UIN) of Sunan Ampel Surabaya, Indonesia ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/jiir.2022.7.1.43-64
<![CDATA[Discussing about Islam really takes time with a long or unlimited scale when viewed from a comprehensive multi-segmentation. Even some non-Western scholars are trying their luck researching Islam. It is generally known that Islam under the Prophet Muhammad was full of peace. After his death, peace between fellow Muslims seems not to be a shared dreams, until now sectarian conflicts often occur, namely Shia and Sunni Islam. In this study, this time the author tries to write about the topic of Islam in the Vortex of Conflict between Shia and Sunni, which is focused on the boundaries of the Safavid era. In this case, this research uses a historical approach and research methods using literature studies. The results of this study found that first, before the formation of the Safavid dynasty, Islam was hit by sectarian conflicts between Shia and Sunnis after the death of the Prophet Muhammad, because for general reasons they were still debating who should replace Rasulullah SAW as the leader of Muslims. Second, the establishment of the Safavid dynasty in the era of King Ismail I caused the Sunni sect and all its activities to be converted to Shia sects in the Persian region either in fiqh or theology..]]>
<![CDATA[DINAMIKA EKONOMI-POLITIK ASEAN: Optimalisasi Kebijakan Kawasan Perdagangan Bebas ]]>
<![CDATA[Riady Ibnu Khaldun]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Integrative International Relations Vol. 7 No. 1 (2022): May ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, State Islamic University (UIN) of Sunan Ampel Surabaya, Indonesia ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/jiir.2022.7.1.65-75
<![CDATA[Within few years since its establishment in 1967, ASEAN has ratified various economic policies to encourage the creation of welfare for member countries as stipulated in the ASEAN charter. One of them is the policy of implementing free trade with the aim of relaxing the flow of goods and services in the ASEAN region through a single market mechanism using the CEPT scheme. Since the establishment of ASEAN there have been various policies that have been ratified such as AFTA but their implementation has not been carried out optimally, especially in maximizing profits through these policies so it is necessary to improve related to the management of superior commodities and the development of competitiveness superior product.]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Kebijakan Demokratisasi sebagai Instrumen Kekuasaan dalam Politik Luar Negeri Amerika Serikat ]]>
<![CDATA[Kardina Hamado]]>;
<![CDATA[Rahmat Sikky]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Integrative International Relations Vol. 7 No. 2 (2022): November ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, State Islamic University (UIN) of Sunan Ampel Surabaya, Indonesia ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/jiir.2022.7.2.156-174
<![CDATA[Democratization is US policy which campaign democrazy as the norms and values through realist and liberal strategy in foreign politic. This research is aimed to know the interest behind the democratization policy and US authority position globally. This reasearch used national interests concept, foreign policy and foreign politic by applying descriptive analysis method. The result of this research showed that nations thus considered to have violated the democrazy principles are a thread to washington intererst occurrence. Democratization as instrument is proven beneficially to US to intervence by economic and military politic to determine democracy standard which affected toward US impact and authority in various country significantly.]]>
<![CDATA[The Alteration of the Philippines Foreign Policy towards China over Disputes in the South China Sea ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad Dedy Yanuar]]>;
<![CDATA[Anggraeni Sevira Priyanka Rahmmadinniyah]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Integrative International Relations Vol. 7 No. 2 (2022): November ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, State Islamic University (UIN) of Sunan Ampel Surabaya, Indonesia ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/jiir.2022.7.2.109-132
<![CDATA[As one of the most protracted issues in the world politics, South China Sea (SCS) disputes have frequently sparked boiling tension among claimant states- China, Taiwan Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei, and in particular the Philippines - one of the most assertive claimant states aside China. During the administration of President Benigno Aquino III, the Philippines managed to internationalize the case of SCS disputes and ultimately won a victory over China in the Permanent Court Arbitration (PCA), the Netherlands. However, when a government transition occurred from Benigno Aquino III to Rodrigo Duterte in 2016, those PCA credits appeared to be not followed up by President Duterte. This ensued due to the differences in views and political will between Aquino and Duterte on foreign policy. This article aims to unravel and explain on the Philippines’ foreign policy alteration towards China over SCS disputes under Duterte’s administration, using the concept of Realpolitik and Rational Choice to comprehend why President Duterte decided to seemingly abandon his predecessor’s policies. This research employed qualitative method - data collection was obtained from the secondary data and literature study, comprising written documents related to the Philippines foreign policy in responding to the disputes. The results showed that the reason why Duterte abandoned his predecessor’s footpath is because he assumed that the way Aquino applied such assertive approach is not effective enough in resolving this prolonged maritime jurisdictional disputes between the Philippines and China. In this way, Duterte applied a more considerate diplomatic approach to China as his rational choice in a sense that he would rather take cooperative instead of confrontational way of settlement in resolving the disputes of maritime territory over the South China Sea.]]>
<![CDATA[An Analisys of Indonesian Political Economic Policies In National Economic Recovery Due To Global Pandemic Turbulence ]]>
<![CDATA[Bayu Mogana Putra Bayu Mogana Putra]]>;
<![CDATA[Ridwan Adnan Erlangga]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Integrative International Relations Vol. 7 No. 2 (2022): November ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, State Islamic University (UIN) of Sunan Ampel Surabaya, Indonesia ]]>
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DOI: 10.15642/jiir.2022.7.2.95-108
<![CDATA[The pandemic turbulence caused countries worldwide, including Indonesia, to experience economic turbulence. The research in this scientific paper focused on studying the national economic recovery policies that the Indonesian government produced as the political economy policies in the country's economic recovery after the pandemic turbulence. This scientific paper aimed to determine the effectiveness and productivity of political economy policies in the national economic recovery in Indonesia. Lastly, this scientific paper revealed the Indonesian government's political economy policies in the national economic recovery after the pandemic turbulence through three main aspects as analytical tools. Those aspects consisted of allocation, distribution, and evaluation of the implementation of the national economic recovery. Therefore, the effectiveness and productivity of the national economic recovery policies that the government implemented could be revealed through political economy policies.]]>
