Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Indonesia
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Indonesia is a biannual journal published by the Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, University of Lampung. JHII discusses both theoretical and empirical findings, as well as current developments in International Relations. JHII welcomes academics as well as practitioners to contribute their thoughts on International Relations. JHII accepts research and review articles. A research article should be a results of original research, assesses its contribution to the body of knowledge in International Relations. A review article is an article that summarizes the current state of understanding on International Relations. A review article surveys and summarizes previously published studies, rather than reporting new facts or analysis. The main theory and concepts should refer to studies in these areas, Theory of International Relations Theory of International Security Theory of International Political Economy Theory of International and Transnational Studies The main themes consisted: Indonesian Foreign and Security Policy ASEAN Great Power Dynamics Regional Dynamics Global Development Human Rights in International Relations International Political Economy Multinational Corporations Defense Strategy and Arms Dynamics International Institutions Globalization Global Migration Peace and Conflict Resolution International Law
Articles
21 Documents
<![CDATA[Kerjasama Pariwisata Lampung-Australia: Peluang dan Tantangan ]]>
<![CDATA[Rahayu Lestari]]>;
<![CDATA[Tety Rachmawati]]>
<![CDATA[ JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL INDONESIA Vol 5 No 1 (2023): JHII April 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Lampung Center for Global Studies (LCGS) ]]>
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DOI: 10.23960/jhii.v5i1.19
<![CDATA[Potensi pariwisata Lampung yang tinggi perlu mendapat perhatian dan prioritas untuk meningkatkan daya saing destinasi wisata. Rata-rata wisatawan mancanegara yang datang ke Lampung berasal dari Australia dan Belanda, yang tertarik dengan objek wisata Surfing di Pulau Pisang. Selain objek wisata pantai bergelombang tinggi untuk surfing, wisman juga menggemari kunjungan wisata ke Taman Nasional Way Kambas dan wisata iconic Gunung Anak Krakatau. Data kunjungan wisatawan tahun 2018 menunjukkan minat wisatawan asing yang tinggi terhadap objek wisata pantai dan alam di Lampung. Akan tetapi potensi pariwisata tersebut belum optimal mengingat belum diprioritaskannya sektor pariwisata sebagai salah satu sektor strategis yang dapat menyokong peningkatan kesejahteraan masyarakat. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengeksplorasi peluang dan tantangan dalam inisiasi kerjasama Pariwisata antara Lampung dan Australia, guna meningkatkan daya saing dan optimalisasi sektor pariwisata daerah Lampung sebagai salah satu sumber aktifitas ekonomi masyarakat. Data didapatkan dengan menggunakan studi literasi dan wawancara. Hasil penelitian ini menemukan hambatan tata kelola dan tantangan yang dihadapi dalam inisiasi kerjasama Lampung-Australia di sektor Pariwisata baik dari internal maupun eksternal.]]>
<![CDATA[Analisa Payoff Chicken Game Theory Terkait Kebijakan Penyebaran THAAD di Korea Selatan ]]>
<![CDATA[nibras fadhlillah]]>
<![CDATA[ JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL INDONESIA Vol 5 No 1 (2023): JHII April 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Lampung Center for Global Studies (LCGS) ]]>
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DOI: 10.23960/jhii.v5i1.21
<![CDATA[The Korean Peninsula conflict is part of the remnants of the cold war that still exists. North Korea continues to develop its nuclear weapons technology, accompanied by aggressive efforts to launch its nuclear trials continuously. On the other hand, in the face of North Korea's provocation and aggressiveness, South Korea needs to make the most probable and profitable decisions for the country's national security based on the calculation of the possible payoff in the Chicken Game Theory. This article is expected to explain South Korea's stance regarding deploying the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) through the use of chicken game theory analysis to prevent North Korea's nuclear weapons attack. The research method used in this article is a descriptive qualitative method with desk research or library research as the data collection technique in this study. The Korean peninsula conflict is seen as a game where a DD situation is the worst possible to happen to a country, which means a re-breaking of the Korean War. However, if we look at the situation and the actions taken by each country – North Korea and South Korea – giving in (C) is not a better choice for them than war. Therefore, both sides of the country until now continue to be on the alert by improving each country's defence and military systems.]]>
<![CDATA[Praktik Pengelolaan Sampah Terbaik Dunia: Analisis Kelemahan Bandar Lampung ]]>
<![CDATA[Indra Jaya Wiranata]]>;
<![CDATA[Astiwi Inayah]]>;
<![CDATA[Tety Rachmawati]]>
<![CDATA[ JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL INDONESIA Vol 5 No 1 (2023): JHII April 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Lampung Center for Global Studies (LCGS) ]]>
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DOI: 10.23960/jhii.v5i1.22
<![CDATA[Sejak perkembangan sektor industri pertama, lingkungan global mulai mengalami kerusakan. Fenomena kemajuan industri ini menimbulkan permasalahn di sektor lain yang juga berdampak langsung pada manusia. Pergeseran isu keamanan tradisional menjadi non-tradisional membawa isu lingkungan menjadi populer dibahas pada forum-forum internasional. Berdasarkan data WorldBank, kota di dunia memproduksi sekitar 2 Milyar Ton sampah per tahun. Sehingga upaya yang diharapkan mengatasi permasalahan ini datang dari seluruh dunia, bukan hanya dari level negara tetapi sub-negara. Melihat mekanisme pengelolaan sampah di Bandar Lampung yang mencapai sekitar 800 ton per hari dapat menghasilkan sebuah temuan kekurangan apa yang paling mencolok apabila dibandingkan dengan praktik terbaik dunia. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode wawancara dalam mendapatkan data primer serta studi pustaka dari jurnal, buku, dan situs berita untuk data sekunder. Konsep yang digunakan untuk membantu menganalisis yaitu Sampah Kota dan Keamanan Lingkungan.]]>
<![CDATA[Accommodating the Rise of China and Facing China as a Threat in International Society in the Decade ]]>
<![CDATA[Nuke Faridha Wardhani]]>
<![CDATA[ JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL INDONESIA Vol 5 No 1 (2023): JHII April 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Lampung Center for Global Studies (LCGS) ]]>
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DOI: 10.23960/jhii.v5i1.23
<![CDATA[This paper explains how the international society, mainly the United States and western countries accommodate the rise of China in recent decade. China has enhanced and maintained its capability to be a great power and it is unavoidable phenomenon. Furthermore, after the Cold War ended until this era, it is believed that the international system has changed into multipolar with the presence of China as a potential great power. However, it resulted the fear from other countries about China’s rise and is assumed as a threat for hegemony powers. Eventually, if China’s position in international society in recent time as a threat, then how to deal with it? The other countries can choose between treating China as a partner or a great competitor where China today has built massive capabilities and planned to elevate its strength by using advanced technology. Keywords: the Rise of China, China Threat, International Society, Strategic Partner.]]>
<![CDATA[China’s Economic Cyber Espionage Toward the United States as a National Security Threat ]]>
<![CDATA[Harryanto Aryodiguno]]>;
<![CDATA[Yohana Novencia Havisaputra]]>
<![CDATA[ JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL INDONESIA Vol 5 No 2 (2023): JHII Oktober 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Lampung Center for Global Studies (LCGS) ]]>
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DOI: 10.23960/jhii.v5i2.28
<![CDATA[Technological developments in the realm of cyberspace have triggered the emergence of new challenges in the form of economic cyber espionage involving the theft of trade secrets and intellectual property which pose a threat to national security. This problem started to receive special attention after the report of economic cyber espionage crimes committed by China against domestic American companies in 2010. In dealing with issues that threaten the country's national security, the United States government has decided to implement a strategy, one of which prioritizes the use of diplomacy. With the cooperation conducted by the United States government, the number of economic cyber espionage cases can finally decrease, and this shows that the use of cyber diplomacy can be the best step to deal with cases of crime in cyberspace. Furthermore, the effectiveness of the strategy adopted by the United States in dealing with the threat of economic cyber espionage from China, especially in 2010 to 2015, will be analyzed more deeply by using the concept of cyber diplomacy through secondary data collection methods.]]>
<![CDATA[The Efforts to Resolve the Prolonged South China Sea Conflict According to the perspective of the United Nations Convention on The Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) ]]>
<![CDATA[Resya Mauludina]]>;
<![CDATA[Wellinda Rizka Sulistiara]]>;
<![CDATA[Slamet Muliono Redjosari]]>
<![CDATA[ JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL INDONESIA Vol 5 No 2 (2023): JHII Oktober 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Lampung Center for Global Studies (LCGS) ]]>
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DOI: 10.23960/jhii.v5i2.33
<![CDATA[The power struggle in the South China Sea region has become an important topic of public discussion. Several ASEAN countries, including Indonesia, as well as the influence of the United States and Chinese powers, are strategically competing for maritime trade routes and rich potential resources. This study aims to analyze the geopolitical phenomena in the South China Sea region. Since 2010, when China claimed Indonesia's exclusive economic zone in the northern part of the Natuna Islands, Indonesia has been "dragged" in the South China Sea dispute. China’s unilateral claims continued and peaked in 2016 when Chinese fishing boats carried out illegal fishing in the Natuna waters. This study aims to provide direction and recommendations for the conflict. The study is analyzed using qualitative methods and the concepts of national interest, geopolitics, and geostrategy. The results of the study show that conflicts in the South China Sea have not yet surfaced, because many parties still insist on defending the territorial sovereignty of the South China Sea.]]>
<![CDATA[Kerjasama IOM, UNHCR, Perompak, dan Pemerintah Sulawesi Selatan dalam memeuhi Hak Dasar Pengungsi Asing di Sulawesi Selatan Tahun 2021 ]]>
<![CDATA[Rheina Qur'ani]]>;
<![CDATA[M. Syaprin Zahidi]]>
<![CDATA[ JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL INDONESIA Vol 5 No 2 (2023): JHII Oktober 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Lampung Center for Global Studies (LCGS) ]]>
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DOI: 10.23960/jhii.v5i2.36
<![CDATA[Pengungsi asing asing yang datang dari berbagai negara ke Indonesia biasanya menempati wilayah – wilayah yang sudah ditentukan oleh pemerintah Indonesia. Dalam hal ini jumlah pengungsi asing atau pencari suaka yang datang ke Indonesia cukup banyak. Pemerintah Indonesia melakukan upaya kerjasama dengan berbagai organisasi terkait seperti IOM (International Organization for Migration) dan UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees) dalam penanganan maupun pemenuhan hak – hak dasar para pengungsi asing asing. Dalam penelitian ini bertujuan menjelaskan bagaimana kerjasama antara pemerintah Indonesia dengan IOM dan UNHCR dalam penanganan dan pemenuhan hak dasar pengungsi asing dalam hal ini studi pada Provinsi Sulawesi Selatan yang kemudian dinaungi oleh pemerintah Provinsi Sulawesi Selatan. Dengan terlebih dahulu memaparkan situasi dan kondisi para pengungsi asing yang berada di Sulawesi Selatan, peran perwakilan IOM dan UNHCR di Sulawesi Selatan membantu pemerintah daerah terkait dalam penanganan permasalahan pengungsi asing asing. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan teknik pengumpulan data, laporan hasil pertemuan antara pemerintah Provinsi Sulawesi Selatan dengan IOM dan UNHCR, serta media massa dan beberapa penelitian sebelumnya.]]>
<![CDATA[Tujuan Kebijakan Luar Negeri Amerika Serikat dalam Perjanjian Abraham Tahun 2020 ]]>
<![CDATA[Grace Inka Putri]]>;
<![CDATA[Hasbi Sidik]]>;
<![CDATA[Khairunnisa Simbolon]]>
<![CDATA[ JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL INDONESIA Vol 5 No 2 (2023): JHII Oktober 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Lampung Center for Global Studies (LCGS) ]]>
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DOI: 10.23960/jhii.v5i2.39
<![CDATA[Keterlibatan AS di Timur Tengah dalam mengusahakan perdamaian telah berlangsung lama. Tahun 2020, Perjanjian Abraham hadir sebagai upaya perdamaian oleh AS di bawah kepemimpinan Donald Trump. Namun, perjanjian ini mendapat kontra dimana dalam realisasinya tidak melibatkan pihak utama yang berkonflik, yakni Palestina. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengidentifikasi tujuan kebijakan luar negeri AS dalam Perjanjian Abraham tahun 2020. Teori yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini yaitu teori kebijakan luar negeri oleh Jean Frederic Morin dan Jonathan Paquin. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dan metode deskriptif dengan didukung oleh data sekunder. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa terdapat perbedaan antara tujuan yang disampaikan dalam dokumen dan yang dikejar melalui perilaku AS. Tujuan untuk mengusahakan perdamaian Timur Tengah melalui Perjanjian Abraham dinyatakan secara eksplisit dalam perjanjian. Namun, peneliti menemukan tujuan implisit lain yang ingin dikejar dimana didorong oleh kepentingan nasional, yakni mempertahankan pengaruh AS di regional Timur Tengah dengan menguatkan posisi Israel di kawasan, menjadikan negara-negara Arab sebagai garda terdepan pertahanan AS didukung dengan penjualan senjata JSF-35 yang meningkatkan ekonomi AS, membentuk wadah aliansi perlawanan non-formal terhadap Iran yang dianggap sebagai ancaman regional, dan mempertahankan dukungan suara Donald Trump dalam pemilihan umum tahun 2020 melalui Perjanjian Abraham.]]>
<![CDATA[SDGs and Human Rights to Food: Integrating Food Security with Climate Change ]]>
<![CDATA[Febryani Sabatira]]>;
<![CDATA[Orima Melati Davey]]>;
<![CDATA[Yuga Naura Khanza]]>;
<![CDATA[Ninda Mirantama]]>
<![CDATA[ JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL INDONESIA Vol 5 No 2 (2023): JHII Oktober 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Lampung Center for Global Studies (LCGS) ]]>
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DOI: 10.23960/jhii.v5i2.40
<![CDATA[Food constitutes as the one of a fundamental need of humans and is thus regarded as a form of human rights. The right to food is recognized as a branch of human rights in Article 28H of the 1945 Constitution and the Rome Declaration through the 1996 World Food Summit. Food, as a basic human necessity, has a significant meaning and role in the life of a nation. Inability to sustain food availability to meet demand could cause economic instability. If food security is unbalanced, various social and political upheavals can occur. This critical food situation may jeopardize both economic and national stability. In this regard, Indonesia's efforts to achieve food security are hampered by a variety of crises, including environmental degradation exacerbated by climate change. Because food security is dependent on the production of agricultural products, the quality of the environment plays a significant role, making Indonesia laboriously impacted by climate change. Climate change could severely raise the number of hungers since it embodies an extreme change in weather that disrupts food production stability. Indonesia have been ignoring the real threat of climate change in many aspects including overlooks the risks of food insecurity, which results in non-fulfillment of the human right to food. In this regard, all parties must take the necessary steps to address the issue one way to approach is to implement the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).]]>
<![CDATA[City in Global Conversations: A Constructivist Study of Jakarta's Para-Diplomacy and Regional Leader's International Visibility ]]>
<![CDATA[Luerdi Luerdi]]>;
<![CDATA[Arie Fitria]]>
<![CDATA[ JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL INDONESIA Vol 5 No 2 (2023): JHII Oktober 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Lampung Center for Global Studies (LCGS) ]]>
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DOI: 10.23960/jhii.v5i2.41
<![CDATA[Para-diplomacy has been the agenda of many mega-cities and through which they can express their capacity as well as creativity to pursue specific interests beyond borders. For cities, para-diplomacy can be conducted in many forms starting from merely ceremonial activities to the transnational municipal networks (TMNs). The city active engagement in global forums which mostly belong to the TMNs’ agenda is often associated with the regional leader’s international visibility in global conversations. This paper aims to explain the determinant driving the regional leader’s international visibility within para-diplomacy practice, choosing Jakarta as a case study. This research applied the qualitative method and constructivist approach to investigate the role of ideational factor. The research found that the idea of global city embraced by the regional leader – constructing the city’s identity and interests – encouraged the leader to be active in global forums. The city’s international visibility which was represented by the leader paved Jakarta to be an active global city and through which it would be able to promote its local development and enhance its global role in responding to global issues. This paper suggests that the internal determinants like the regional leaders (governor, mayor) with certain values matter to direct city para-diplomacy whether to project its leadership or merely to prioritize its bilateral para-diplomacy.]]>
