Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies
Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies (IJIMS): This journal should coverage Islam both as a textual tradition with its own historical integrity and as a social reality which was dynamic and constantly changing. The journal also aims at bridging the gap between the textual and contextual approaches to Islamic Studies; and solving the dichotomy between ‘orthodox’ and ‘heterodox’ Islam. So, the journal invites the intersection of several disciplines and scholars. In other words, its contributors borrowed from a range of disciplines, including the humanities and social sciences.
Articles
210 Documents
<![CDATA[Democracy in Islam: comparative study of Muhammad Abid al-Jabiri and Abdolkarim Soroush’s thoughts ]]>
<![CDATA[Happy Susanto]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies Vol 1, No 2 (2011): Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[IAIN Salatiga ]]>
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DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v1i2.253-272
<![CDATA[Using analytic and interpretative approaches, this research compares al-Jabiriand Soroush’s thoughts about democracy in Islam. To assess Islam’s compatibilitywith democracy, this thesis will analyze the issues of authority, sharia, andfreedom according to the two scholars. Al-Jabiri and Soroush agree that theconcept of authority in Islam cannot be interpreted simply as God’s sovereignty,but it also concerns human rights and sovereignty. A leader put justice as his/hercentral concern in practicing policies for citizens. To pursue this hope, they alsopropose that sharia should be reinterpreted in order to be harmonizing in accordancechanging circumstances and time. Al-Jabiri has different understandingwith Soroush about the relationship between religion and state. Al-Jabiri seesthat Muslims are free to choose democracy as their political life. He doesn’tagree the integration of religion and state. In this case, he doesn’t agree theimplementation of sharia in the state. Meanwhile Soroush sees that religion hasan important role in the state, so that he agrees the implementation of shariabecause according to him it supports the political process of the state.Muhammad Abid al-Jabiri dan Abdolkarim Soroush merupakan intelektual Muslimyang memandang bahwa Islam kompatibel dengan demokrasi, dan keduanyatermasuk dalam kelompok moderat. Untuk menguji apakah Islam kompatibeldengan demokrasi, artikel ini menganalisis isu-isu otoritas, syariah, dan kebebasanmenurut pandangan kedua tokoh tersebut. Kedua intelektual itu memilikipandangan filosofis yang sejalan tentang ide demokrasi dalam Islam. Misalnya,konsep otoritas dalam Islam tidak saja dipahami sebagai bentuk kedaulatan Tuhan,namun yang lebih penting bahwa konsep ini juga memerhatikan aspek hak dankedaulatan manusia. Syariah perlu direinterpretasi agar sesuai dengan konteksperubahan zaman dan dapat mengarah pada pencapaian tujuannya. Perbedaankeduanya terletak pada relasi agama-negara. Dalam hal ini, al-Jabiri memilikipandangan yang “liberal” bahwa konsep sebuah negara tidak perlu berdasarkanidentitas agama. Umat Islam diberikan kebebasan penuh untuk menjalankankehidupan politiknya, tanpa terbebani oleh rujukan teks-teks Islam yang masihdiperdebatkan. Dengan demikian, ia memandang bahwa penerapan syariah dalamsebuah negara tidak perlu karena sesungguhnya syariah belum penah diterapkansecara sempurna. Sedangkan Soroush berpandangan sebaliknya bahwa identitasagama perlu ditambatkan ke dalam ide sebuah negara (demokrasi).]]>
<![CDATA[Institutionalising diasporic Islam: multiculturalism, secularism and the integration of Muslim immigrants in Britain ]]>
<![CDATA[Amika Wardana]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies Vol 3, No 1 (2013): Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[IAIN Salatiga ]]>
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DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v3i1.31-72
<![CDATA[The integration of Muslim immigrants in Western countries especially Britain hasattracted wider attention both from academia, policymakers and public in gen-eral. Their different religion (i.e. Islam) has been regarded as the crucial factorsin the process contextualised by the socio-political circumstances of the hostsociety and the existence transnational link to the home country encouragingthem to reproduce and transplant their ethno-religious tradition in diaspora. Thearticle addresses the interplay between, on the one hand, the strong and weak-ness of the politics of multiculturalism and the secularisation and desecularisationof British society, and on the other, the institutionalisation of Islam in Britain amidstthe persistent internal divisions and fragmentations of minority Muslim immi-grant communities. As the result, Muslim immigrants have set up an ethno-reli-gious integration trajectory through their own established socio-religious institu-tions and associations in parallel with the host country social and political ones.Integrasi imigran Muslim di negara-negara Barat khususnya Inggris telahmemeroleh perhatian luas baik dari kalangan akademisi, pembuat kebijakan dan publik pada umumnya. Keragaman agama mereka (termasuk Islam) dipandangsebagai faktor penting dalam proses yang dikontekstualisasi oleh lingkungan sosio-politik masyarakat setempat dan hubungan transnasional yang ada dengan negaraasal yang mendorong mereka mereproduksi dan mentransplantasi tradisi etno-religi mereka di diaspora. Artikel ini memaparkan hubungan saling pengaruhantara kekuatan dan kelemahan politik multikulturalisme di satu sisi, daninstitusionalisasi Islam di Inggris yang melahirkan pembagian dan fragmentasiinternal di kalangan komunitas imigran Muslim minoritas di sisi lain. Akibatnya,imigran Muslim telah membangun peta integrasi etno-religi melalui lembaga-lembaga dan asosiasi-asosiasi sosio-religi mereka yang sudah mapan paraleldengan lembaga dan asosiasi social dan politik negara setempat.]]>
<![CDATA[Pattani central mosque in Southern Thailand as sanctuary from violence ]]>
<![CDATA[Ridwan Ridwan]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies Vol 4, No 2 (2014): Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[IAIN Salatiga ]]>
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DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v4i2.213-232
<![CDATA[This article describes the real quality of Pattani Central Mosque to depict another picture of mosques in southern Thailand that has been alleged as an arena for the spreading of Islamic radical ideas and the recruiting of young people into ‘martyrs’ against the Thai Government. It is not doubted, the 2004 Kru-ze Mosque incident reflects the failure of places of worship as a‘sanctuary from violence’. Consequently, there are questions about the kind of practices taking place in Islamic teaching, mosque management, and the views held by mosque stakeholders (Imam, the preachers, and congregation) toward good governance, human rights and the anticipation of radicalism given the current situation in Pattani. In sum, Pattani Central Mosque instead seems to be composed of a fairly equal mixture of moderate and more conservative believers rather than those with radical and extreme tendencies. Artikel ini mendeskripsikan kualitas yang nyata dari Masjid Raya Pattani untuk mengilustrasikan gambaran lain tentang masjid-masjid di Thailand Selatan yang disinyalir sebagai arena penyebaran ide-ide Islam radikal dan rekruitmen orang–orang muda sebagai “martir” melawan Pemerintah Thailand. Tidak terbantahkan, insiden Masjid Kru-ze tahun 2004 merefleksikan kegagalan tempat-tempat ibadah sebagai ‘sanctuary from violence’. Akibatnya, terdapat sejumlah pertanyaan mengenai jenis-jenis praktik pengajaran, manajemen masjid dan pandangan dari para pengelola/takmir masjid (Imam, juru dakwah, and jemaah) terhadap pemerintahan yang baik, hak asasi manusia dan antisipasi atas radikalisme di Pattani dewasa ini. Sebagai kesimpulan, Masjid Raya Pattani tampaknya lebih terbentuk oleh gabungan para pengikut yang moderat dan lebih konservatif dibandingkan mereka yang memiliki tendensi-tendensi radikal dan ekstrem.]]>
<![CDATA[Islamic fundamentalism, nation- state and global citizenship: the case of Hizb ut-Tahrir ]]>
<![CDATA[Asep Muhammad Iqbal]]>;
<![CDATA[Zulkifli Zulkifli]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies Vol 6, No 1 (2016): Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[IAIN Salatiga ]]>
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DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v6i1.35-61
<![CDATA[Contrary to common understanding among observers, this essay argues that Islamic fundamentalism is not anti-globalization movement, but rather as parts, participants, and interpreters of globalization. Focusing on the case of Hizb ut-Tahrir, it shows that regardless of its utopian nature of the ideology it pro- motes, Islamic fundamentalism is a globalizing force that constitutes a return of old world religions to modern society, which is characterised by its rejec- tion of the validity of nation-states and vision of a global citizenship through the establishment of Islamic Caliphate as a single global community of believ- ers (ummah) with its universalistic rules and laws within contemporary Mus- lim world. Berbeda dari pandangan yang sejauh ini banyak dikemukakan oleh para pengamat, tulisan ini berargumen bahwa fundamentalisme Islam bukan merupakan gerakan anti-globalisasi, melainkan justru sebagai bagian, partisipan dan penafsir fenomena globalisasi. Dengan memfokuskan analisisnya pada kasus Hizb ut-Tahrir, tulisan ini menunjukkan bahwa terlepas dari sifat utopian ideologi yang diusungnya, gerakan fundamentalisme Islam tidak diragukan lagi merupakan sebuah kekuatan globalisasi yang mewakili kembalinya agama besar dunia ke masyarakat modern, yang bercirikan penolakan atas validitas negara- bangsa dan visi kewarganegaraan global melalui pembentukan komunitas glo- bal umat Islam dalam bentuk khilafah Islam dengan aturan dan hukum universalnya dalam dunia Islam kontemporer.]]>
<![CDATA[The implementation of sharia bylaws and its negative social outcome for Indonesian women ]]>
<![CDATA[Ahmad Fuad Fanani]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies Vol 7, No 2 (2017): Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[IAIN Salatiga ]]>
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DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v7i2.153-174
<![CDATA[The formalisation of sharia law has been the subject of wide-ranging debate in Indonesia, also internationally. This is because this idea has significant implications, politically and socially, not only for Muslims, but also for women and other followers of other religions who live in Indonesia. It is important to note that there are 78 sharia bylaws which have already been ratified by regional authorities. And more than 52 cities and regencies have applied these regulations at the regional level. Some analysts argue that the implementation of sharia bylaws reflects on the fact that the majority of the Indonesian population needs morality and public order which will be beneficial for improving their lives. However, others rebut this argument by pointing to the fact that the enactment of sharia laws will discriminate and trigger violence against women. This paper will examine the implementation of sharia bylaws and its impacts on Indonesian women. This paper will argue that the implementation of sharia laws have negative impacts on Indonesian women because it has caused negative social outcome for women and women is the most vulnerable from this policy. Formalisasi hukum syariah atau penerapan perda Syariah telah menjadi topik yang menarik debat hangat di Indonesia, juga secara internasional. Hal ini Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies karena kebijakan dan ide ini mempunyai dampak yang sangat serius –secara politik dan sosial—tidak hanya untuk kalangan Muslim, tapi juga untuk perempuan dan pemeluk agama lain di Indonesia. Penerapan perda Syariah hingga saat ini masih terus berjalan dan ada 78 Perda Syariah yang sudah diratifikasi oleh pemerintah lokal. Selain, lebih dari 52 kota dan kabupaten yang telah menerapkan Perda Syariah ini. Sebagian kalangan berargumen bahwa penerapan Perda Syariah adalah hal yang wajar karena mayoritas penduduk Indonesia adalah Muslim dan mereka membutuhkan aturan publik dan moralitas untuk kehidupan mereka. Namun, sebagian berpendapat bahwa menolak argumen tersebut dengan memberikan fakta bahwa perda Syariah akan mendiskriminasi dan memicu kekerasan terhadap perempuan. Artikel ini akan berargumen bahwa penerapan Perda Syariah memberikan dampak negatif terhadap perempuan karena ini mengakibatkan dampak sosial yang buruk terhadap perempuan dan perempuan menjadi pihak yang paling rentan menderita dari kebijakan ini.]]>
<![CDATA[Analysing the conceptual framework of religious freedom and interreligious relationship in Islam ]]>
<![CDATA[Mohd Roslan Mohd Nor]]>;
<![CDATA[Issa Khan]]>;
<![CDATA[Mohammad Elius]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies Vol 8, No 2 (2018): Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[IAIN Salatiga ]]>
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DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v8i2.309-334
<![CDATA[This study evaluates the concept of religious freedom and interreligious relationships in Islam. The research engages in textual analysis and historical interpretation of the Qur’an and Sunnah (the Prophetic tradition) regarding the freedom of religious beliefs and practices as well as Muslim relationships with people of other religions. The study shows that Islam plays a unique role in providing every individual with the complete freedom to possess and practiceany religion, culture or ideology. It also shows that as a universal religion,Islam advocates a harmonious relationship among the people of differentreligions, cultures and civilisations for the peaceful coexistence and harmoniousdevelopment of all human beings. The study concludes that Islam as a completeway of life preserves the beliefs and practices of every individual and maintainsa peaceful relationship between the followers of one religion and another. Itconstitutes a viable model for resolving religious hatred and promoting peaceand justice among people of diverse ethnic, religious and cultural backgrounds.]]>
<![CDATA[Distributive principles of economic justice: an Islamic perspective ]]>
<![CDATA[Zakiyuddin Baidhawy]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies Vol 2, No 2 (2012): Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[IAIN Salatiga ]]>
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DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v2i2.241-266
<![CDATA[Poverty and impoverishment in the world currently continue to increase as aresult of distributive justice systems and its principles that became the basis ofcontemporary economics did not succeed in allocating and distributing resourcesjustly. Based on this problem, this study aimed at describing the Islamic responseto the problem of distributive injustice, and how necessarily the state played arole in upholding distributive justice. Through the thematic-induction method andthe synthetic analysis, the study finds out several findings as follows. Firstly,Islam formulated three principles of distributive justice as follows: 1) the Distributionof natural and the environmental resources was in the framework of participation;2) the Redistribution of the wealth and the income were joint responsibilityof ascertaining social security, the increase in the capacity and the authorityfor them who were disadvantage; and 3) the Role of the state was certaintythat was complementary for the ethical market in order to guarantees the senseof justice and the achievement of public welfare. Secondly, according to Islam,the process of the redistribution of the wealth and the income aimed at givingsocial security on the fulfillment of basic needs for the poor; strove for the increasein the capacity through education and skills; and increased the poor’sbargaining position through their participation in decision making that was linkedwith their interests and the control on its implementation. Thirdly, the intention of establishing justice was to gain both individual and public welfare and the happiness(al-falah}).Kemiskinan dan pemiskinan di dunia kontemporer terus meningkat sebagai akibatsistem keadilan distributif dan prinsip-prinsipnya yang menjadi basis ekonomisaat ini tidak berhasil dalam mengalokasikan dan memeratakan sumber dayasecara adil. Berdasarkan masalah ini, kajian ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskanrespon Islam atas problem ketidakadilan distributif, dan bagaimana seharusnyanegara ambil peranan dalam menegakkan keadilan distributif. Melalui metodeinduksi-tematik dan analisis sintetik, kajian ini menemukan beberapa hal pentingantara lain. Pertama, Islam telah merumuskan tiga prinsip keadilan distributifsebagai berikut: 1) pemerataan sumber daya alam dan lingkungan dalamkerangka partisipasi; 2) redistribusi kekayaan dan pendapatan dalam rangkamemastikan keamanan sosial, dan meningkatkan kapasitas dan otoritas bagimereka yang kurang/tidak beruntung; dan 3) peran negara merupakan pelengkapbagi pasar yang etis dengan maksud untuk menjamin rasa keadilan dantercapainya kesejahteraan publik. Kedua, menurut Islam, proses redistribusikekayaan dan pendapatan bertujuan untuk memberikan jaminan sosial bagipemenuhan kebutuhan orang miskin; untuk meningkatkan kapasitas merekamelalui pendidikan dan pelatihan; dan meningkatkan posisi tawar kaum miskinmelalui partisipasi dalam pengambilan keputusan yang berkaitan langsung dengankepentingan mereka, serta kendali atas pelaksanaan keputusan tersebut. Ketiga,maksud penegakkan keadilan ialah untuk mewujudkan kesejahteraan sekaliguskebahagiaan individu dan publik.]]>
<![CDATA[Nationalism and Islam: Perspective of Egyptian and Syrian Muslim intellectuals ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhamad Ali]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies Vol 4, No 1 (2014): Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[IAIN Salatiga ]]>
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DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v4i1.51-79
<![CDATA[The problem of the relationship between nationalism and Islam has historicallyrevealed dynamic discourses, but seems to have gained little attention.This problem is important not only in understanding the modern discourseon Islam and nationalism but also in promoting a dialogue between Islamand the West. This paper attempts to show how the best known of Muslimintellectuals from Egypt and Syria during the 19th and first half of the 20thcentury, managed to fuse Islamic concepts and nationalism together into asingle, unified discourse. This paper approaches the question in two differentways. In order to provide a context, the first section reviews how nationalismemerged and influenced the Muslims. The next section studies how Muslimintellectuals have responded to foreign ideas in general and nationalism inparticular, and how some of them have attempted to work out a compromisebetween nationalism and Islam.Masalah hubungan antara nasionalisme dan Islam secara historismengungkapkan wacana dinamis, tetapi tampaknya telah mendapatkan sedikitperhatian. Masalah ini penting tidak hanya dalam memahami wacana modernIslam dan nasionalisme, tetapi juga dalam mempromosikan dialog antara Islam dan Barat. Tulisan ini mencoba untuk menunjukkan bagaimana intelektualMuslim ternama dari Mesir dan Suriah pada paruh ke-19 dan awal abad ke-20,berhasil memadukan konsep-konsep Islam dan nasionalisme bersama-samamenjadi satu wacana. Makalah ini mendekati persoalan ini dengan dua carayang berbeda. Dalam rangka memberikan konteks, bagian pertama mereviewbagaimana nasionalisme muncul dan mempengaruhi umat Islam. Bagianberikutnya mempelajari bagaimana intelektual Muslim telah merespon ideideasing pada umumnya dan nasionalisme pada khususnya, dan bagaimanabeberapa dari mereka telah berusaha untuk bekerja untuk mengkompromikanantara nasionalisme dan Islam.]]>
<![CDATA[Revisiting Indonesian public reactions against Danish cartoons depicting prophet Muhammad ]]>
<![CDATA[Al Makin]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies Vol 5, No 2 (2015): Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[IAIN Salatiga ]]>
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DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v5i2.195-229
<![CDATA[This paper revisits the case of cartoon controversy in 2006, particularly focus-ing on the way in which the Indonesian public reacted against the twelveMuhammad Danish cartoons by the Jylands-Posten published in September 30,2005. The study remains relevant as the case reflects not only Muslims’ reac-tion against the blasphemy theologically but it also mirrors the new face ofIndonesian Islam in the reform era which has given birth to a new free public space in which new differing ideologies emerged and were propagated in various media. This study particularly focuses on the selected thirteen op-ed piecesand one interview published by the Indonesian online media in January 2006—three pieces published by Hidayatullah, one posted in a personal website, twopublished by Kompas, two by The Jakarta Post, one by Gatra, three by Tempoone op-ed and one interview by JIL (Islamic Liberal Network). My analysis ofthese works reveals two groups with different arguments: radical and conservative return to their theological foundation to retaliate the cartoonists whocommitted blasphemy against their prophet, whereas liberals and progressiveIndonesians rely on reasoning and draw cultural values in expressing theirappraisals of the vilifying images.Makalah ini berusaha mengkaji kembali kasus kontroversi kartun pada tahun2006, terutama berfokus pada cara di mana masyarakat Indonesia bereaksiterhadap dua belas kartun Muhammad yang diterbitkan oleh surat kabar Den-mark Jylands-Posten pada tanggal 30 September 2005. Studi ini tetap relevansebagai kasus yang mencerminkan tidak hanya reaksi umat Islam terhadappenghujatan secara teologis tetapi juga mencerminkan wajah baru Islam Indo-nesia di era reformasi yang telah melahirkan ruang publik bebas baru di manaberbagai ideologi baru muncul dan disebarkan di berbagai media. Penelitianini terutama fokus pada tiga belas buah edisi opini dan satu wawancara yangditerbitkan oleh media online Indonesia pada Januari 2006, yang terdiri daritiga potong yang diterbitkan oleh Hidayatullah, yang diposting di sebuah si-tus pribadi, dua diterbitkan oleh Kompas, dua oleh The Jakarta Post, satuoleh Gatra, tiga Tempo, satu op-ed dan satu wawancara dengan JIL (JaringanIslam Liberal). Analisis atas karya-karya ini mengungkapkan dua kelompokdengan argumen yang berbeda: kelompok radikal dan konservatif berpedomanpada landasan teologis mereka untuk membalas kartunis yang melakukanpenghujatan terhadap nabi mereka, sedangkan kaum liberal dan progresif In-donesia mengandalkan penalaran dan menarik nilai-nilai budaya dalammengekspresikan penilaian mereka atas gambar-gambar tersebut. ]]>
<![CDATA[To research online or not to research online: using internet-based research in Islamic Studies context ]]>
<![CDATA[Nurdin Nurdin]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies Vol 7, No 1 (2017): Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[IAIN Salatiga ]]>
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DOI: 10.18326/ijims.v7i1.31-54
<![CDATA[" Indonesia is the largest Muslim country and the eighth largest Internet user in the world. Around 78 million people in Indonesia use the Internet in their daily lives. This provides new opportunities for Islamic education institutions and Muslim scholars to utilise this online space as a new research setting. Non-Islamic education institutions and scholars have utilised the Internet as a new avenue to conduct research, while Islamic education institutions and Muslim scholars have yet to make use of online space for research purposes.While dakwah, education and other Islamic social phenomena are being practiced on online platforms, Muslim scholars are yet to go online to understand this phenomenon. This paper addresses why Islamic institutions and Muslim scholars should go online and utilise the Internet as a new setting in their research agenda. This paper offers researchers at Islamic institutions the opportunity to consider new data collection and triangulation strategies to enhance their research output and paradigm. The paper’s discussion focuses on both quantitative and qualitative research methods. Some benefits of using social media in a research setting are discussed. Evidence that supports researchers utilising social media for research purposes are also summarised.Future research needs to focus on the application of this idea in empirical contexts, as well as consider ethical issues.Indonesia merupakan salah satu negara dengan penduduk Muslim terbesar didunia and pengguna Internet kedelapan besar didunia. Saat ini ada sekitar 78 juta penduduk Indonesia menggunakan Internet dalam keseharian mereka. Fakta ini menjadi peluang baru bagi lembaga pendidikan Islam dan para ahli Muslim untuk memanfaatkan sarana online tersebut sebagai salah satu tempat penelitian baru. Lembaga pendidikan umum dan para ahli non-Muslim telah lama memanfaatkan sara online tersebut untuk kepentingan penelitian mereka, sementara lambaga pendidikan Islam dan para pakar Muslim masih belum juga memanfaatkan peluang baru ini. Padahal sejumlah fenomena ke-Islaman sudah di praktekkan di dunia online seperti Dakwah, pendidikan, dan berbagai aktifitas sosial ke-Islaman lainnya. Tulisan ini mengkaji mengapa lembaga pendidikan Islam dan para ahli Muslim sudah harus merubah paradigma penelitian mereka dengan beralih ke dunia online sebagai tempat baru untuk melakukan penelitian. Tulisan ini menyimpulkan agar lembaga pendidikan Islam dan para ahli Muslim untuk mempertimbangkan strategi baru dalampengumpulan data dan trianggulasi guna memperkaya hasil dan paradigma penelitian baik untuk penelitian kualitatif maupun kuantitatif. Tulisan ini juga menyajikan sejumlah keuntungan dari pemanfaatan dunia online sebagai karena baru penelitian. Sejumlah argumen dan contoh-contoh juga disajikan guna memperkuat hasil penelitian ini. Tulisan ini juga menyarankan agar kedepan ada penelitian lain yang menggunakan data empiris terkait perlunyapemanfaatan dunia online dalam penelitian terkait Islam.]]>
