Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan
Journal of Government and Politics ISBN:1907-8374 Online: 2337-8220 is the journal published biannually by the Department of Government Affairs and Administration, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta, Indonesia collaborate with Asia Pacific Society For Public Affairs (APSPA) and Asosiasi Dosen Ilmu Pemerintahan Indonesia (ADIPSI). The journal aims to publish research articles within the broad field of public policy, public organization and administration, governance and democracy.
Articles
471 Documents
<![CDATA[The Relationship Between State and Society: Managing Poverty Through Local Wisdom ]]>
<![CDATA[DJOHARWINARLIN, SRI]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 3, No 2 (2012): August 2012 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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<![CDATA[State and society must support one another to manage the poverty in order to reach welfare. Societytries to fulfill basic needs by implementing their local wisdom. On the other hand, state supports thesociety by give facilities and access to preserve traditions and to adapt them to the dynamic era.Having Banyusoca, Pilangrejo, and Planjan as the location of study cases, this article points out thatlocal wisdom is not only used to empower society but also used to manage poverty that has been anendless scourge.]]>
<![CDATA[Inquiry to the Use of ASEAN Way: China Increase Posturing and Indonesia’s Role in South China Sea Dispute ]]>
<![CDATA[KOMARUDIN, UJANG]]>;
<![CDATA[PRAMUJI, PITUT]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 9, No 2 (2018): May 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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<![CDATA[As tension in South China Sea has been risen, pundits and scholars quickly forgot how manageable it was once during the period after the Asian Financial Crisis until before Global Economic Crisis of 2008. This paper will focus to identify and elaborate the cause for South China Sea to re-escalate after a decade of sustain peace, while trying to assess the effectiveness of ASEAN Way in defusing the conflict, and understand the role of Indonesia in South China Sea territorial dispute. Findings of the study explained what motivates China to take tougher stance in this matter, first is the internationalization of South China Sea dispute with the submission through International Court of Justice by Malaysia and Vietnam; second the growing international power and influence China gained after the global economic crisis of 2008; third, while China’s growing naval capabilities since a decade ago has made possible for China to extend its power projection far reaching its coastline. Meanwhile Indonesia tried hard to push this agenda in various formal and informal meetings in East Asia, although the noise its making still cannot lured parties involved reluctantly revert back to the old balancing power game.Keywords: South China Sea, ASEAN Way, Indonesia]]>
<![CDATA[Evaluasi Advokasi Penyelesaian Konflik Sengketa Tanah di Kabupaten Banggai, Sulawesi Tengah ]]>
<![CDATA[BADRAH, ADRIANY]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 2, No 2 (2011): August 2011 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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<![CDATA[This research aims to determine the extent to which advocacy is conducted by Front Rakyat AdvokasiSawit (FRAS) for the handling of conflict in Central Sulawesi land disputes between famers Toili andPT Kurnia Luwuk Sejati (PT KLS). The background of this research is about the conflict of landdisputes between farming communities Toili with PT KLS in Banggai regency of Central Sulawesiprovince. This study uses the method of evaluation that is part of the decision making process, namelyto compare an event, activity has been determined. This study uses qualitative analysis and data types.Qualitative research aims to describe and analyze problems that become the object of this study as anevaluation of the advocacy process, so this study can give an idea about advocacy in conflict resolutionof land disputes and the factors surrounding the advocacy process to determine the success or failure ofadvocacy efforts related to resolving conflicts and land disputes Toili farmers PT KLS.]]>
<![CDATA[‘Spectator’ or ‘Player’? Labor Movements in Post New-Order Indonesian Electoral Politics ]]>
<![CDATA[SULAKSONO, TUNJUNG]]>;
<![CDATA[AMBARDI, KUSKRIDO]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 10, No 1 (2019): February 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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<![CDATA[This study proves that the change in the structure of political opportunities alone is not enough to provide encouragement for social movements to succeed in electoral politics. The case of the labor movements in electoral politics in post-New Order Indonesia is proof of this. Even though it has a very large number of potential to become a large force of electoral politics and ability to mobilize masses, the labor movements in Indonesia is merely a spectator, not a player in electoral politics. There are four factors that cause this failure. The first is fragmentation among labor movements which were created as a result of the opening of political opportunities after the New Order. Second, labor apathy towards labor parties and labor cadres who run for elections. As a result, none of the labor parties succeeded in gaining seats in three elections in Indonesia after the New Order. Thirdly, repression and negative stigmatization to the labor movements by the New Order Regime had succeeded in preventing labor movement to consolidate themselves and to gain significant votes in elections. Fourth, increasingly severe requirements for party establishment and participation in elections. While in many places the opening of political opportunity structure is a determining factor in the success of social movements in electoral politics, the case of the labor movement in Indonesia proves otherwise. The opening up of a political opportunity structure has become a trap that hinders the success of labor movements in electoral politics. ]]>
<![CDATA[Sistem Demokrasi: Marketing Politik dan Jaminan Kebeneran Informasi ]]>
<![CDATA[POERWADI, HEROE]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 2, No 1 (2011): February 2011 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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<![CDATA[The style of liberal democratic system of individualism, was more apparent on the implementation ofthe Indonesia elections in 2009. Those could be observed by the implementation of multi-partysystem, direct election system, the value system of one person one vote and one value, and culminatedin the determination of legislative candidates by majority vote. As the consequency of the system,more campaigns held by personal than the political parties occurred in election 2009. Theimplications of the pattern of liberal individualism, increasingly the candidates took most of politicaladvertising as the mass campaign media, in streets, mass media and public places. Strategicbusinesses like in the real business marketing industry was used to promote the candidates andpolitical parties as a media to get as many voter as possible. In fact the implementation was distorted,the candidate only presented their personal popularity, but not the program they had. Moreover, theyplaced more the image performance, position highly than the commitment and personal integrity.Additionally, considerable segmentation techniques was had more pay attention than doingcommunication with people.]]>
<![CDATA[Metamorfosis Faksionalisme Internal Partai Golkar di Maluku Utara pada PILKADA 2007 ]]>
<![CDATA[MISRINA, MISRINA]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 1, No 1 (2010): August 2010 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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<![CDATA[This research describes the dynamics of internal faction of Golkar party when the North MalukuGovernor election was held in 2007-2008. It can be observed during the process preelection tothe post-election. This research uses the qualitative method The data are collected by conductingthe documentation, observation, and interview. The result of this research shows, that thefactionalisms occurred in the Golkar party in the election of North Maluku governor caused twofactors, the pragmatism of supreme members of Golkar partyand the patron-client. The factioncharacteristic of Golkar party based on the faction fragmentation shows that there are twofactions (bipolar), which are the faction supporting Thaib and the faction supporting Gafur.]]>
<![CDATA[Conflict Resolution: the Truncated Zoning Arrangement and the Buhari Political Tsunami in Nigeria ]]>
<![CDATA[TERWASE, ISAAC TERUNGWA]]>;
<![CDATA[ABDUL-TALIB, ASMAT-NIZAM]]>;
<![CDATA[ZENGENI, KNOCKS TAPIWA]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 6, No 2 (2015): August 2015 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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<![CDATA[The Nigerian Fourth Republic ushered in a demo-cratically elected government in 1999 that paved way for the civilians to take over government after a long period of military rule in Nigeria. This made the political parties to project their candidates for contest in occupying the political positions at the federal, states and local government levels. Thus, such projection through the ruling political party that won the election in 1999 known as the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), went into zoning arrange-ment that could give the country’s six geopolitical zones a place for participation in the administration of the country. This arrangement coordinated the highest positions such as the President, Vice-Presi-dent, President of the Senate, Speaker of the House of Representatives, Secretary to the Government of the Federation, and Chairman of the ruling party. However, such arrangements were only practiced from 1999 to 2011. The zoning arrangements were trun-cated in 2011, which led to conflict in the Northern part of the country. The objective of the study there-fore, is to examine the consequences of the trun-cated zoning arrangement and lessons from the Buhari Political tsunami in 2015 general elections in Nigeria, with interest on how to resolve such con-flicts that emanated. The study made use of qualita-tive research and the review of previous literature as sources of data collection. The findings revealed that, many people were killed during the years 2011-2015 under study; both private and public properties were also destroyed. This study recom-mends constitutional approach regarding the zoning formula to accom-modate all the six geopolitical zones in Nigeria in order to resolve the conflicts therein.]]>
<![CDATA[The Social Media as a Transformative Agent in the Electoral Process ]]>
<![CDATA[ALMAREZ, DM, DAVID N.]]>;
<![CDATA[MALAWANI, AJREE D.]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 7, No 3 (2016): August 2016 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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<![CDATA[The growing use of social media in social interaction has changed the mode ofpolitical campaign in the Philippines. This research sought to determine the influences of social media in the presidential prefer-ences of netizens during the campaign period for the 2016 presidential elections in the Philippines. It also looked into the pattern of the preferences of respon-dents among the five presidential candidates for the 2016 presidential election. A total of 289 respondents participated out of 1210 visitors of the link used by the researchers. The data gathering started on February 9, 2016, the start of the presidential campaign period and ended on March 27, 2016 or a total of 47 days. The timeline for data gathering was constrained by the time limit that was set for this study. The results show that social media has no strong influence in the preferences of respondents with only 44% of the respondents saying that their presidential preferences were influenced by social media. However, 75.6% . The pattern of the preferences of respondents shows strong resemblance to some mock polls conducted by other groups in the Philippines during the cam-paign period. It is recommended to continue exploring the relevance of social media as a political tool for effective communication in politics and governance.]]>
<![CDATA[Politics and Religious Freedom in Indonesia: The Case of West Sumatra and North Sulawesi ]]>
<![CDATA[SALIM, DELMUS PUNERI]]>;
<![CDATA[SIMBUKA, SRIFANI]]>;
<![CDATA[LUNTAJO, MUZWIR]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 7, No 4 (2016): November 2016 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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<![CDATA[Since the introduction of decentralization, regions in Indonesia have promoted regional philosophies that guide their development. They apply said philosophies to many forms of development, including politics, economics, and administration. This paper examines the political discourse of religious freedom in West Sumatra and North Sulawesi, where the term ‘religious freedom’ has been variously interpreted to suit their regional philosophies.This paper includes examining religious freedom in regulations on religious interactions in Indonesia and shows that regulations below the Indonesian constitution have questioned religious freedom and played an important role in the political discourse of religious freedom in Indonesia and its provinces.This paper also examines how religious freedom in both West Sumatra and North Sulawesi is understood and explained by stakeholders. This picture is drawn from both Muslim and Christian religious leaders as well as governmental officials. The results show that West Sumatra’s Islamic philosophy have influenced the local understanding of religious freedom, whereas North Sulawesi’s philosophy of plural society has lead the term of religious freedom to be understood as religious pluralism.  This paper questions relationship between national and regional governments over religion in Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[Capacity Building in Local Government ]]>
<![CDATA[TRIANA, ROCHYATI]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 4, No 1 (2013): February 2013 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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<![CDATA[The aim of this research is to examine the concept of local government capacity building in boththeoretical and operational aspects, regarding especially with local authorities in Indonesia, after theenforcement of regional autonomy. This is a basic research (fundamental research) of library researchtype. Data collection technique involves using data sourced from a variety of secondary sources, as itshould be; books, journals, and related legislation. To draw a conclusion regarding with the building ofregional capacity after the implementation of regional autonomy, the data are analyzed using descriptiveanalysis technique; that is, examining secondary data based on Indonesian condition. This researchconcludes that Capacity Building is a huge job for the an autonomous local government, particularlywhen dealing with the system which is deemed to prioritize self-serving rather than public serving; yetthis capacity building mission deserves to fight for. Stakeholders (other than legislatives) need toregularly monitor the improved performance of the government so that the high expectation of the societycould be fulfilled through the enforcement of regional autonomy.]]>
