Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan
Journal of Government and Politics ISBN:1907-8374 Online: 2337-8220 is the journal published biannually by the Department of Government Affairs and Administration, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta, Indonesia collaborate with Asia Pacific Society For Public Affairs (APSPA) and Asosiasi Dosen Ilmu Pemerintahan Indonesia (ADIPSI). The journal aims to publish research articles within the broad field of public policy, public organization and administration, governance and democracy.
Articles
471 Documents
<![CDATA[The Influence of Communication Skills towards Job Performance of The State Civil Apparatus ]]>
<![CDATA[BIRYANTO, BIRYANTO]]>;
<![CDATA[HUBEIS, AIDA VITAYALA]]>;
<![CDATA[MATINDAS, KRISHNARINI]]>;
<![CDATA[SARMA, MA'MUN]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 9, No 3 (2018): August 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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<![CDATA[Communication skills are the basic skills needed by each ASN in performing its job duties. The elements of communication skills that are studied include the skills of speaking, writing, reading, listening, and using media. This study aims to: (1) describes ASN communication skills; (2) analyze the factors that are related and affect the elements of ASN communication skills; and (3) analyze the influence of the elements of communication skills to the achievement of ASN job performance. The sample used was 380 respondents, taken using random proportional stratified sample method. This study uses quantitative approach and is strengthened by qualitative through interview result, focus group discussion, and field observation. The results show that ASN communication skills are in sufficient category, with the order of the highest being the skills in using media, listening, speaking, reading, and writing. Factors that have a positive and significant effect on all elements of communication skills are individual characteristics of employees and work motivation. Communication skills proved to have a positive and significant impact on ASN job performance, with the strongest predictor being skills in using media.]]>
<![CDATA[Praktek Demokrasi Lokal di Indonesia: Studi Kasus di Kabupaten Lampung Tengah ]]>
<![CDATA[HAMDI, RIDHO AL]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 2, No 2 (2011): August 2011 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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<![CDATA[This study will explain on local democracy experiences in the district level as real evidence to currentIndonesian democracy. It can be shown with several cases of public services in Central Lampung, i.e.the case of corruption on school operational subsidy, the damage of the public street, corruption inmaking ID card, the lacking of water compliance and other problems. This study uses two methods indata gathering, namely in depth interview and participant observation. The result of this study showsthat local bureaucrats not able to maintain and manage public services as a societal basic compliance.Therefore, Central Lampung can be categorized as a weak state. In short, democratically behavior thatcarried out by local elits can not to implement the people prosperity in Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[Political Strategy In Local Elections: Study Of Bandung Municipality Mayor General Election In 2003 And 2008 ]]>
<![CDATA[MUFTI, MUSLIM]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 10, No 2 (2019): July 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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<![CDATA[This study aims to analyze the political strategies of actors in the 2008 election of the mayor of Bandung. Research location in Bandung Municipality, West Java Province. The research uses qualitative methods. The results of the study show that the election victory through political strategies can be won by the ability of actors who act as patrons to gain strength in gaining votes. In the indirect election, which was chosen by the Bandung Municipal Regional Legislative Council (DPRD) in 2003. Although the Golongan party of Dada Rosada was in third place, it was a very influential figure in Dada Rosada in bureaucrats, government and politicians using political network strategy to convince political party elites, so as to convince the party of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) and the National Mandate Party (PAN) which is in first and second positions. The post-reform political strategy was different from before the reforms determined by the centre, so the role of political actors was very decisive in the 2003 Bandung municipal elections which were elected through the Regional Legislative Council (DPRD). In 2008 Dada Rosada not only used political network strategies to convince political elites but also used social network strategies to gain support and sympathy for the people of Bandung. Because in 2008 the Bandung Regional Head Election (Pilkada) was directly elected by the community. ]]>
<![CDATA[The Paradoxical Impact of Globalisation on Women’s Political Representation: A Review of Situations In Southeast Asia ]]>
<![CDATA[AZIZAH, NUR]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 6, No 1 (2015): February 2015 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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<![CDATA[The representation of women in a political system is a good test of its claims to democracy. Although there are some progress, the level of women political representation in Southeast Asian countries is still low. Women activists propose the adoption of gender quotas as a fast track to address this issue, but the implementation find many obstacles. This article base of my research which want to examine the impact of globalisation for women’s political representation in Southeast Asian countries. The discussion begin with the overview of women’s political representation issue and some theoretical framewoks for adressing that issue. It identified that globalisation has positive and negative impacts on women’s representation. On the one hand, it encourages the emergence of a global gender equality regime which influences pattern of women’s political representation among Southeast Asian countries. Yet, on theotherhand, itpromotes neo-liberalism ideology which is “inherently oppose to policy interventionismâ€and it also promotes liberal democratic practices, which oppose affirmative policy for women, included gender quota in parliament.We concludes that the paradoxical impact of globalisation causes progress for increasing women’s representation in Southeast Asian countries move slowly. The efforts for increasing women’s representation in some Southeast Asian countries have not been supported by governments’ “intervention†policies such as gender quota and social welfare policies. Southeast Asian countries are also trapped in a liberal democracy practice which promotes ‘one person one vote’ (equality of opportunity). Thus, the opposition to affirmative action (equality of result) is so high. Although some Southeast Asian countries have women quota articles, the implementation has been undermined so far.KEYWORDS: Globalisation Impact, Women, Political Representation,Southeast Asia]]>
<![CDATA[Profesionalitas Aparatur Sekretariat Daerah di Kabupaten Sumbawa Besar ]]>
<![CDATA[JUANDA, KHAIRY]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 1, No 1 (2010): August 2010 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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<![CDATA[The aim of this research is knowing the profesionality of aparature at local secretary of Sumbawaregion in doing their work depend on function and job description. Beside that, this research try toknow some obstacles and find the solution to increase aparature profesionality at Sekretariat DaerahKabupaten Sumbawa. This reseach's title is a Profesionality of aparature at local secretary ofSumbawa region. Research methods is used descriptive survey, documentation, Questioner, interview.The respondents of this research are civil servant at Sekretariat Daerah Kabupaten Sumbawa. Fromthis research knew that civil servant competency is good, Acuntability is good, Recruitment is fair,Education level is poor. The conclution is aparature's profesionality at local secretary of Sumbawaregion in fair level.]]>
<![CDATA[The Quality of Higher Education in Public Administration in Thailand: the Side-Effects of Administrative Reform ]]>
<![CDATA[TAMRONGLAK, AMPORN]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 7, No 1 (2016): February 2016 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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<![CDATA[Since the current quality framework, called Thailand Qualification Frameworks for Higher Education (TQF-HEd), has been enforced in the past years by the Office of the Higher Education Commission (OHEC), the quality of the graduates produced and the quality of teaching Public Administration particularly graduate study seems to be in the opposite directions. This paper investigates the quality of higher education in Public Administration at Master level in Thailand. Data such as curriculums, program philosophy, etc. were collected from universities offering graduate study in Public Administration. In-depth interviews were conducted from public and private universities. In the midst of the Administrative Reform in Thailand during the economic crisis in 1997, the author analyzed the impacts of the reform, particularly the influential practice of New Public Management (NPM), on the quality of teaching graduate study in Public Administration in Thailand.Key Words: Public Administration, Higher Education in Thailand, Quality of teaching, New Public Management]]>
<![CDATA[The Development of Teacher and Educational Personnel Promotional Assessment Framework in Thailand ]]>
<![CDATA[TAMRONGLAK, AMPORN]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 4, No 2 (2013): August 2013 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2013.0012
<![CDATA[The main purpose of this paper is to present a per-formance evaluation framework for teacher and edu-cational personnel inThailand. Based on the re-search funded by Office of the Teacher Civil Service and Educational Personnel Commission, it isaimed primarily to study the model of academic standing assessment of teacher civil service and educational personnel and todevelop criteria and methods for the four tracks of personnel in Thailand, including teaching, educational institutionadministration, educational administration, and educational super-vision. Various methods in gathering data for the study wereemployed, including 1) documentary re-search of four different countries, such as United States of America, England, Singaporeand HongKong; 2) site visits to the government agencies re-sponsible for educational assessment and develop-ment and schoolsin Hong Kong and Singapore; 3) in-depth interviews with Executives in Ministry of Education and a number of stakeholders whohad requested for the promotional assessment from all four career tracks; 4) focus group method among experts in the field; and5) public hearing opened to all stakeholders in teaching careers was also orga-nized to gather comments and suggestions andfine-tune the proposed framework prior to submission to the Office of the Teacher Civil Service and Educa-tional PersonnelCommission for further application in the future.KEYWORDS: Performance evaluation, PromotionalAssessment Framework, Academic ranking assess-ment of teacher in Thailand]]>
<![CDATA[Moving towards a Normalised Path: Political Islam in Contemporary Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[AL-HAMDI, RIDHO]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 8, No 1 (2017): February 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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<![CDATA[As the largest predominantly Muslim country of the globe, Indonesia nearly achieves two decades of its democratisation wave since the downfall of the Au- thoritarian Rule in 1998. Political parties, one of the crucial democratic institutions, have a signifi- cant responsibility to maintain the democratic system as they are the sole official representatives to create leaders and policies in the government. This paper portrays the trajectory of political Islam in Indonesia particularly Islam-based parties slightly under two decades since Post- New Order regime. Islam-based parties have a potential to be a moderate-offi- cial force in the government. It could be proven by the threefold indicator. First is the ripeness of Islam-based parties in coping with both internal and external stimuli such as the leadership change and elite conflicts, the constitutional re- form and the electoral result. Second is the role of Muslim political forces in the parliament particularly in addressing the policy making of controversial bills. Third is the involvement of Islam-based parties in the administration cabinet. To sum up, by applying the analytical framework on the party goal, political Islam in Indonesia has three distinctive features: As “the vote-seekers†in the election, as “the issue-advocates†in the legislature and as “the office-seekers†in the execu- tive. These denote to a normalised path of political Islam in reaching out the embedded democracy.]]>
<![CDATA[Risk Governance of The People's Palm Plantation Partnership Program in Bangka Regency ]]>
<![CDATA[ARIANDHY, SHULBY]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 4, No 1 (2013): February 2013 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2013.0009
<![CDATA[Nowadays, partnership has become one of new forms of governance. It is noteffective for the government to handle all public services on its own because thesociety’s current situation turns to be more complex and complicated. However,there are risks inherent in every partnership. Every party involved in apartnership has each own potential risk. In the context of palm plantationmanagement partnerships, uncertainty in managing risks will lead to a numberof conflicts. Thus, it is important to pay attention to risk governance in apartnership. This study aims at describing how the risk governance is done inKKSR (Kebun Kelapa Sawit Rakyat/People’s Palm Plantation) program inBangka Regency, Indonesia. There are 3 main focuses of this study, namely theprocess, the strategy and the result of risk governance in KKSR program.Theresults show that the there are different interests among the parties involved inthe partnership which are potential to be the cause of conflicts. Furthermore, thepartnership achievement indicates that the strategy of risk governance appliedin KKSR Program initiated by the Government of Bangka Regency has givenpositive impact on each party involved in the partnership. The result of thisstudy also implies the importance of government role in the risk governanceprocess of the partnership program for public services. The government isresponsible for protecting the stakeholders’ interests, especially public interests,and also responsible for assuring that the goals of the partnership are achieved.]]>
<![CDATA[Political Polarization based on Religious Identities: Empirical Evidence from the 2017 Jakarta Gubernatorial ]]>
<![CDATA[UBAID, AHMAD HASAN]]>;
<![CDATA[SUBANDI, H.B HABIBI]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 8, No 4 (2017): November 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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<![CDATA[According to a research conducted by Anis Baswedan, Saiful Mujani and R. Will- iam Liddle, political Islam in Indonesia during the post Reformation had a mod- erate and pluralistic character. But this qualitative case study finds that a new phenomenon of polarization based on religious identities emerges among vot- ers in the elections. In this article we argue that the results of the second round of the 2017 Jakarta Gubernatorial Election provide strong evidence that sup- ports the idea of ideological polarization. We apply the root cause model presented by Veldhuis and Staun to understand how Islamic radicalization occurs in the Jakarta election. In line with the argument of Mainwaring and Torcal, we also argue that due to weak institutionalization, political parties did not play a dominant role in shaping the sharp ideological gap among voters. We found that polarization of identity based on religiosity occurred due to social dynamics that were manufactured by campaign strategies and staff, politicians, and religious leaders. Political marketing strategies in the event of elections have, in fact, blatantly exploited the issue of religion as a political weapon in elections. It has led to the resurgence of religious identity in entering the political debate. Hence growing intolerance and conflicts based on religious identities during elections may have provided initial evidence to support the idea that Indonesian democracy is pro- gressing towards illiberal democracy. ]]>
