Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan
Journal of Government and Politics ISBN:1907-8374 Online: 2337-8220 is the journal published biannually by the Department of Government Affairs and Administration, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta, Indonesia collaborate with Asia Pacific Society For Public Affairs (APSPA) and Asosiasi Dosen Ilmu Pemerintahan Indonesia (ADIPSI). The journal aims to publish research articles within the broad field of public policy, public organization and administration, governance and democracy.
Articles
471 Documents
<![CDATA[The Development of Teacher and Educational Personnel Promotional Assessment Framework in Thailand ]]>
<![CDATA[AMPORN TAMRONGLAK]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 4, No 2 (2013): August 2013 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2013.0012
<![CDATA[The main purpose of this paper is to present a per-formance evaluation framework for teacher and edu-cational personnel inThailand. Based on the re-search funded by Office of the Teacher Civil Service and Educational Personnel Commission, it isaimed primarily to study the model of academic standing assessment of teacher civil service and educational personnel and todevelop criteria and methods for the four tracks of personnel in Thailand, including teaching, educational institutionadministration, educational administration, and educational super-vision. Various methods in gathering data for the study wereemployed, including 1) documentary re-search of four different countries, such as United States of America, England, Singaporeand HongKong; 2) site visits to the government agencies re-sponsible for educational assessment and develop-ment and schoolsin Hong Kong and Singapore; 3) in-depth interviews with Executives in Ministry of Education and a number of stakeholders whohad requested for the promotional assessment from all four career tracks; 4) focus group method among experts in the field; and5) public hearing opened to all stakeholders in teaching careers was also orga-nized to gather comments and suggestions andfine-tune the proposed framework prior to submission to the Office of the Teacher Civil Service and Educa-tional PersonnelCommission for further application in the future.KEYWORDS: Performance evaluation, PromotionalAssessment Framework, Academic ranking assess-ment of teacher in Thailand]]>
<![CDATA[Moving towards a Normalised Path: Political Islam in Contemporary Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[RIDHO AL-HAMDI]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 8, No 1 (2017): February 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.8150
<![CDATA[As the largest predominantly Muslim country of the globe, Indonesia nearly achieves two decades of its democratisation wave since the downfall of the Au- thoritarian Rule in 1998. Political parties, one of the crucial democratic institutions, have a signifi- cant responsibility to maintain the democratic system as they are the sole official representatives to create leaders and policies in the government. This paper portrays the trajectory of political Islam in Indonesia particularly Islam-based parties slightly under two decades since Post- New Order regime. Islam-based parties have a potential to be a moderate-offi- cial force in the government. It could be proven by the threefold indicator. First is the ripeness of Islam-based parties in coping with both internal and external stimuli such as the leadership change and elite conflicts, the constitutional re- form and the electoral result. Second is the role of Muslim political forces in the parliament particularly in addressing the policy making of controversial bills. Third is the involvement of Islam-based parties in the administration cabinet. To sum up, by applying the analytical framework on the party goal, political Islam in Indonesia has three distinctive features: As “the vote-seekers” in the election, as “the issue-advocates” in the legislature and as “the office-seekers” in the execu- tive. These denote to a normalised path of political Islam in reaching out the embedded democracy.]]>
<![CDATA[Risk Governance of The People's Palm Plantation Partnership Program in Bangka Regency ]]>
<![CDATA[SHULBY ARIANDHY]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 4, No 1 (2013): February 2013 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2013.0009
<![CDATA[Nowadays, partnership has become one of new forms of governance. It is noteffective for the government to handle all public services on its own because thesociety’s current situation turns to be more complex and complicated. However,there are risks inherent in every partnership. Every party involved in apartnership has each own potential risk. In the context of palm plantationmanagement partnerships, uncertainty in managing risks will lead to a numberof conflicts. Thus, it is important to pay attention to risk governance in apartnership. This study aims at describing how the risk governance is done inKKSR (Kebun Kelapa Sawit Rakyat/People’s Palm Plantation) program inBangka Regency, Indonesia. There are 3 main focuses of this study, namely theprocess, the strategy and the result of risk governance in KKSR program.Theresults show that the there are different interests among the parties involved inthe partnership which are potential to be the cause of conflicts. Furthermore, thepartnership achievement indicates that the strategy of risk governance appliedin KKSR Program initiated by the Government of Bangka Regency has givenpositive impact on each party involved in the partnership. The result of thisstudy also implies the importance of government role in the risk governanceprocess of the partnership program for public services. The government isresponsible for protecting the stakeholders’ interests, especially public interests,and also responsible for assuring that the goals of the partnership are achieved.]]>
<![CDATA[Political Polarization based on Religious Identities: Empirical Evidence from the 2017 Jakarta Gubernatorial ]]>
<![CDATA[AHMAD HASAN UBAID]]>;
<![CDATA[H.B HABIBI SUBANDI]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 8, No 4 (2017): November 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2017.0054.411-441
<![CDATA[According to a research conducted by Anis Baswedan, Saiful Mujani and R. Will- iam Liddle, political Islam in Indonesia during the post Reformation had a mod- erate and pluralistic character. But this qualitative case study finds that a new phenomenon of polarization based on religious identities emerges among vot- ers in the elections. In this article we argue that the results of the second round of the 2017 Jakarta Gubernatorial Election provide strong evidence that sup- ports the idea of ideological polarization. We apply the root cause model presented by Veldhuis and Staun to understand how Islamic radicalization occurs in the Jakarta election. In line with the argument of Mainwaring and Torcal, we also argue that due to weak institutionalization, political parties did not play a dominant role in shaping the sharp ideological gap among voters. We found that polarization of identity based on religiosity occurred due to social dynamics that were manufactured by campaign strategies and staff, politicians, and religious leaders. Political marketing strategies in the event of elections have, in fact, blatantly exploited the issue of religion as a political weapon in elections. It has led to the resurgence of religious identity in entering the political debate. Hence growing intolerance and conflicts based on religious identities during elections may have provided initial evidence to support the idea that Indonesian democracy is pro- gressing towards illiberal democracy. ]]>
<![CDATA[The Relationship Between State and Society: Managing Poverty Through Local Wisdom ]]>
<![CDATA[SRI DJOHARWINARLIN]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 3, No 2 (2012): August 2012 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2012.0018
<![CDATA[State and society must support one another to manage the poverty in order to reach welfare. Societytries to fulfill basic needs by implementing their local wisdom. On the other hand, state supports thesociety by give facilities and access to preserve traditions and to adapt them to the dynamic era.Having Banyusoca, Pilangrejo, and Planjan as the location of study cases, this article points out thatlocal wisdom is not only used to empower society but also used to manage poverty that has been anendless scourge.]]>
<![CDATA[Inquiry to the Use of ASEAN Way: China Increase Posturing and Indonesia’s Role in South China Sea Dispute ]]>
<![CDATA[KOMARUDIN, UJANG]]>;
<![CDATA[PRAMUJI, PITUT]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 9, No 2 (2018): May 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2018.0268.269-298
<![CDATA[As tension in South China Sea has been risen, pundits and scholars quickly forgot how manageable it was once during the period after the Asian Financial Crisis until before Global Economic Crisis of 2008. This paper will focus to identify and elaborate the cause for South China Sea to re-escalate after a decade of sustain peace, while trying to assess the effectiveness of ASEAN Way in defusing the conflict, and understand the role of Indonesia in South China Sea territorial dispute. Findings of the study explained what motivates China to take tougher stance in this matter, first is the internationalization of South China Sea dispute with the submission through International Court of Justice by Malaysia and Vietnam; second the growing international power and influence China gained after the global economic crisis of 2008; third, while China’s growing naval capabilities since a decade ago has made possible for China to extend its power projection far reaching its coastline. Meanwhile Indonesia tried hard to push this agenda in various formal and informal meetings in East Asia, although the noise its making still cannot lured parties involved reluctantly revert back to the old balancing power game.Keywords: South China Sea, ASEAN Way, Indonesia]]>
<![CDATA[Evaluasi Advokasi Penyelesaian Konflik Sengketa Tanah di Kabupaten Banggai, Sulawesi Tengah ]]>
<![CDATA[ADRIANY BADRAH]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 2, No 2 (2011): August 2011 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2011.0013
<![CDATA[This research aims to determine the extent to which advocacy is conducted by Front Rakyat AdvokasiSawit (FRAS) for the handling of conflict in Central Sulawesi land disputes between famers Toili andPT Kurnia Luwuk Sejati (PT KLS). The background of this research is about the conflict of landdisputes between farming communities Toili with PT KLS in Banggai regency of Central Sulawesiprovince. This study uses the method of evaluation that is part of the decision making process, namelyto compare an event, activity has been determined. This study uses qualitative analysis and data types.Qualitative research aims to describe and analyze problems that become the object of this study as anevaluation of the advocacy process, so this study can give an idea about advocacy in conflict resolutionof land disputes and the factors surrounding the advocacy process to determine the success or failure ofadvocacy efforts related to resolving conflicts and land disputes Toili farmers PT KLS.]]>
<![CDATA[‘Spectator’ or ‘Player’? Labor Movements in Post New-Order Indonesian Electoral Politics ]]>
<![CDATA[TUNJUNG SULAKSONO]]>;
<![CDATA[KUSKRIDO AMBARDI]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 10, No 1 (2019): February 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.10196
<![CDATA[This study proves that the change in the structure of political opportunities alone is not enough to provide encouragement for social movements to succeed in electoral politics. The case of the labor movements in electoral politics in post-New Order Indonesia is proof of this. Even though it has a very large number of potential to become a large force of electoral politics and ability to mobilize masses, the labor movements in Indonesia is merely a spectator, not a player in electoral politics. There are four factors that cause this failure. The first is fragmentation among labor movements which were created as a result of the opening of political opportunities after the New Order. Second, labor apathy towards labor parties and labor cadres who run for elections. As a result, none of the labor parties succeeded in gaining seats in three elections in Indonesia after the New Order. Thirdly, repression and negative stigmatization to the labor movements by the New Order Regime had succeeded in preventing labor movement to consolidate themselves and to gain significant votes in elections. Fourth, increasingly severe requirements for party establishment and participation in elections. While in many places the opening of political opportunity structure is a determining factor in the success of social movements in electoral politics, the case of the labor movement in Indonesia proves otherwise. The opening up of a political opportunity structure has become a trap that hinders the success of labor movements in electoral politics. ]]>
<![CDATA[Sistem Demokrasi: Marketing Politik dan Jaminan Kebeneran Informasi ]]>
<![CDATA[HEROE POERWADI]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 2, No 1 (2011): February 2011 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2011.0009
<![CDATA[The style of liberal democratic system of individualism, was more apparent on the implementation ofthe Indonesia elections in 2009. Those could be observed by the implementation of multi-partysystem, direct election system, the value system of one person one vote and one value, and culminatedin the determination of legislative candidates by majority vote. As the consequency of the system,more campaigns held by personal than the political parties occurred in election 2009. Theimplications of the pattern of liberal individualism, increasingly the candidates took most of politicaladvertising as the mass campaign media, in streets, mass media and public places. Strategicbusinesses like in the real business marketing industry was used to promote the candidates andpolitical parties as a media to get as many voter as possible. In fact the implementation was distorted,the candidate only presented their personal popularity, but not the program they had. Moreover, theyplaced more the image performance, position highly than the commitment and personal integrity.Additionally, considerable segmentation techniques was had more pay attention than doingcommunication with people.]]>
<![CDATA[DISENTANGLING THE ASSOCIATION BETWEEN GOVERNMENT DEBT AND ECONOMIC GROWTH: A GRANGER CAUSALITY APPROACH FROM INDONESIA ]]>
<![CDATA[ROSDIANA SIJABAT]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 11, No 1 (2020): February 2020 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.111109
<![CDATA[This paper aims to examine the possible Granger-causality relationship between public debt and economic growth in Indonesia between 1998 and 2018. To accomplish this aim, a time series regression approach as well as diagnostic tests such as the Augment Dickey–Fuller test and Johansen cointegration test (which provides evidence of a long-term relationship between external debt and economic growth) were conducted. A VECM Granger causality approach was chosen to investigate the causal link between government and economic growth. The VECM estimation provides new evidence that, over the long term, domestic debt has significantly and positively affected economic growth; at the same time, external debt has significantly and negatively affected economic growth. Meanwhile, Granger-causality analysis shows that economic growth has a unidirectional causal relationship with external public debt, but does not have such a relationship with domestic public debt. For this study, a series of 20 data points per variable were analyzed, covering 1998 through 2018. This sample size is rather small, and as such its findings are not perfect. The use of a much larger data set would enhance any similar studies in the future. Nonetheless, this study illuminates the role of government debt in the economy by highlighting the importance of domestic markets as sources of public debt to promote economic growth in Indonesia, and recommends that the government do so.]]>
