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INDONESIA
Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan
Published by Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta
ISSN : 19078374     EISSN : 23378220     DOI : 10.18196/jgp
Core Subject : Social,
Social Sciences
Journal of Government and Politics ISBN:1907-8374 Online: 2337-8220 is the journal published biannually by the Department of Government Affairs and Administration, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta, Indonesia collaborate with Asia Pacific Society For Public Affairs (APSPA) and Asosiasi Dosen Ilmu Pemerintahan Indonesia (ADIPSI). The journal aims to publish research articles within the broad field of public policy, public organization and administration, governance and democracy.
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Articles 471 Documents
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Payment for Environmental Services and Polder Sustainable Management in the Context for Poverty Reduction in Semarang EDI SANTOSO; SHUDARTO P HADI; WARELLA WARELLA
Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 4, No 2 (2013): August 2013
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2013.0021

Abstract

Environmental issues are externalities of economicdevelopment requires the handling of various instrumentsin order to be in harmony with the eco-nomicdevelopment environment. Payment for Envi-ronmentalServices (PES) is now being developed globally as amarket-based instrument that is prom-ising to addressthe issue of degradation of natural resources and theenvironment. PES mechanism has to be said that theconcept is simple and flexible in a variety of conditions,so that the application was highly variable throughoutthe world. The main prob-lem lies in whether thePayment for Environmental Services (PES) that is nowbeing developed globally as a market-based instrumentsare quite capable of dealing with poverty anddegradation of natural re-sources and the environment.Refer to research find-ing shows that Tawang Polderhas significant direct and indirect value for society.About 50% house-hold stated that they accept PES and20% who re-ject the PES. Even PES is quiet potential inreducing poverty in these areas. Even in the societylevel such as huge support in Polder systems, socialcapital and local wisdom, the system management ofpolder should be designed appropriately and have to increasethe level of participation in decision making.Another factor is also important is polder institutionwhich has to be design clearly and transparent based onperformance standart. The last factor is politic capitalshould be aware of democratization.Keywords : Environtmental Management, PovertyReduction, Polder System
In 3 Years We Would Have Solved This”: Jokowi, ASEAN And Transboundary Haze HELENA VARKKEY
Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 8, No 3 (2017): August 2017
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2017.0049.277-295

Abstract

Joko Widodo took up office as President of Indonesia barely a month after the Republic ratified the ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution. This momentous ratification coupled with the severe haze during his first few months in office, positioned haze as a priority issue for Jokowi and his administration. Since then, Jokowi has been proactively taking action at both the central and local levels. This was hoped to be a stepping stone towards better cooperation at the regional level. However, this was met with a somewhat contradictory state- ment by Jokowi in 2015 that quite firmly requested the ASEAN region to give him ‘three years’ to solve the haze issue. This could be taken to mean that Indo- nesia wanted to be ‘left alone’ to deal with fire and haze issues for three years without ASEAN ‘interference’. It is important to also assess this administration’s style of engagement with the ASEAN organization and neighbouring countries over haze issues, particularly Malaysia and Singapore. A thorough consideration of these factors would be able to provide a detailed assessment of the Jokowi administration’s attitude towards ASEAN cooperation over haze, and what this means for the broader ASEAN community.
The Perception of Young Voters Towards the Integrity of the 2014 Election1 A Survey in Special Region of Yogyakarta RIDHO AL HAMDI; SURANTO SURANTO; BAMBANG WIDODO; TUNJUNG SULAKSONO; AWANG DARUMURTI
Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 5, No 1 (2014): February 2014
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2014.0009

Abstract

The research examines the perception of youngvoters regarding the quality of theimplementation the 2014 election. There are sixindicators to measure the integrity: 1) theelection law, 2) the electoral procedure, 3) thevoter registration, 4) the political party and itscandidate registration, 5) the role of massmedia, and 5) the candidate campaign. Theresearch findings revealed that, in general,young voters have an adequate perceptionconcerning the electoral integrity. Morespecifically, the good perception is only to twothings namely political party and its candidateregistration and the electoral procedure. Therest is adequate perception. In addition, theresearch portrayed that young people havehighest trust merely to the CorruptionEradication Commision (KPK). On the otherhand, they have lowest trust into twoinstitutions: political party and parliament.Key words: Young voters, perception, the 2014election,Trust
Power Contestation on Marriage Age Discourse in Dealing with Islamic Value: a Case Study on Nahdlatul Ulama DIAN EKA RAHMAWATI; MUHADJIR DARWIN; MUNAWAR AHMAD
Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 9, No 1 (2018): February 2018
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/jgp.v9i1.3871

Abstract

This study aims to understand the debate on the issue of early prevention from the perspective of NU and NU women activist group. Why there is a difference between NU structures and NU women activist groups. What the knowledge regime that underlies the legitimacy of their attitude is. What are the interests behind differences in attitudes and knowledge regimes used. This study uses a qualitative method. The data was collected by interviewing the board of Muslimat NU, PP Fatayat NU, and PP Rahima and collecting documentation from books, journals, magazines, printed and online newspapers, official website, and mass media decisions. Data analysis techniques performed with data reduction, data display, and conclusion. The result shows that differences in attitudes about the issue of early marriage between NU structures and NU women activist groups stem from different perspectives and interests. Differences perspectives can be seen from differences in interpretation "baligh" as the basis for setting marriage age limit. The interest of the NU structures to accomodate early marriage practices are still prevalent among NU and maintain the status quo of the NU gender habitus. The interest of NU women activist groups is to contextually interpret fikih and to fight for the ideology of theological feminism prosecuting patriarchy within the NU gender habitus. NU Women’s activist groups can reproduce reason about gender relation in Islam that derived from the accumulation of social capital and cultural capital. Keywords: Power Contestation, Marriage Age Discourse, Early Marriage, Capitals, Habitus, Nahdlatul Ulama Women's Activist
Identitas Kultural dan Gerakan Politik Kerapatan Adat Kurai dalam Representasi Politik Lokal IRAWATI IRAWATI
Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 3, No 1 (2012): February 2012
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2012.0005

Abstract

The strength of ethnic identity became public phenomena later gained momentum in West Sumaterawhen Nagari introducied be formal goverment. The Bukittinggi City Indigenous groups powerincorporated in Kerapatan Adat Kurai (KAK) are not satisfied with the condition that Nagari are notapplied in the City Government. KAK claims as a holder of authority over the area of Bukittinggi cityis a source of strength to impose their demands. However during the reign of the new order, KAKlosing their existence and influence over local politics. Losing their influence on formal governance,make KAK indigenous leaders trying to restore the system of Nagari Government which will give aspace for them to power. There are indications that KAK demand is an attempt to restore the power oftraditional elites. KAK movement more motivated by political interests to gain access andrepresentation of their group within local government. The movement dynamics is closely linked withthe interests of the actors to find support in a particular political event. The indigenous elite(traditional leaders) as the initiators have not obtained a good representation as politically, culturallyand economically in local politics.
Driving factors of Deforestation in Indonesia: A case of Central Kalimantan ELY SUSANTO; NANIK LESTARI; MAHARANI HAPSARI; KRISDIYATMIKO KRISDIYATMIKO
Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 9, No 4 (2018): November 2018
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/jgp.9490

Abstract

As one of countries which has the large tropical forests in the world and the largest in ASEAN, Indonesia has been facing serious deforestation problems. Eventhough some scholars have found causes of  the deforestation and have tried to give solutions, however, identifications of deforestation causes are still worth studying as the deforestation still becomes an important issue in Indonesia. This study tries to extend and explore the causes of deforestation in Central Kalimantan, one of Provinces in Indonesia which has been facing the highest deforestation problem caused by many factors. This study applied a qualitative approach. Data were collected by using interview and focus group discussions. It involved about 27 informants representing 14 organizations including goverment officers and non-governmental organization leaders such as WALHI,AMAN, Save Our Borneo, Yayasan Bentang Borneo, Ampuh, TUK Jakarta, Greenpeace, SIEJ, SPKS, Sawit Watch, Forest Watch Indonesia, Mongabay, Institute Dayakologi, LINK-AR Borneo, WWF and Academia as informants. The study found that as a socio political construct, deforestation in Indonesia emerges at the intersection between the biophysical changes of the politically defined forest and the political economic struggles around access and control over forestland resources by domestic and international actors. Hardly is a given issue, the term deforestation itself is still subject to debate as state definition of deforestation is continuously being challenged by the definition developed by civil society members. Deforestation, in many of its aspects, is also associated with governance failure and complex political economic settings that shape its emergence. 
Metamorfosis Faksionalisme Internal Partai Golkar di Maluku Utara pada PILKADA 2007 MISRINA MISRINA
Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 1, No 1 (2010): August 2010
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2010.0005

Abstract

This research describes the dynamics of internal faction of Golkar party when the North MalukuGovernor election was held in 2007-2008. It can be observed during the process preelection tothe post-election. This research uses the qualitative method The data are collected by conductingthe documentation, observation, and interview. The result of this research shows, that thefactionalisms occurred in the Golkar party in the election of North Maluku governor caused twofactors, the pragmatism of supreme members of Golkar partyand the patron-client. The factioncharacteristic of Golkar party based on the faction fragmentation shows that there are twofactions (bipolar), which are the faction supporting Thaib and the faction supporting Gafur.
The Growing Threat of Boko Haram to Regional Security Hafidz Ridha Try Sjahputra; Aru Rongchitim Tisso
Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 12, No 1 (2021): February 2021
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/jgp.v12i1.11009

Abstract

This Research will analyse and delves into one of the most notorious terrorist groups in today’s world Islamic State of West Africa commonly known as Boko Haram. Through this paper's medium, we will delve into one of the most brutal and heinous terrorist organisations that have created havoc which called as Boko Haram.  Firstly, we will explore the historical origins of the Islamic state of western Africa formerly known as Boko Haram which is an affiliate of the Islamic State and also explore and understand the nature of the conflict in Africa. We will also delve into the links between the ISIS and Boko Haram and explore the modus operandi and strategies of the Islamic state in regrouping with the help of its affiliates in the new geographical territory after the fall of ISIS caliphate in Iraq and Syria in 2014.  Additionally, we will provide counterterrorism strategies to prevent the rise Boko Haram in Nigeria and neighbouring countries. 
Conflict Resolution: the Truncated Zoning Arrangement and the Buhari Political Tsunami in Nigeria ISAAC TERUNGWA TERWASE; ASMAT-NIZAM ABDUL-TALIB; KNOCKS TAPIWA ZENGENI
Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 6, No 2 (2015): August 2015
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2015.0018

Abstract

The Nigerian Fourth Republic ushered in a demo-cratically elected government in 1999 that paved way for the civilians to take over government after a long period of military rule in Nigeria. This made the political parties to project their candidates for contest in occupying the political positions at the federal, states and local government levels. Thus, such projection through the ruling political party that won the election in 1999 known as the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), went into zoning arrange-ment that could give the country’s six geopolitical zones a place for participation in the administration of  the country. This arrangement coordinated the highest positions such as the President, Vice-Presi-dent, President of the Senate, Speaker of the House of Representatives, Secretary to the Government of the Federation, and Chairman of the ruling party. However, such arrangements were only practiced from 1999 to 2011. The zoning arrangements were trun-cated in 2011, which led to conflict in the Northern part of the country.  The objective of the study there-fore, is to examine the consequences of the trun-cated zoning arrangement and lessons from the Buhari Political tsunami in 2015 general elections in Nigeria, with interest on how to resolve such con-flicts that emanated. The study made use of qualita-tive research and the review of previous literature as sources of data collection. The findings revealed that, many people were killed during the years 2011-2015 under study; both private and public properties were also destroyed. This study recom-mends constitutional approach regarding the zoning formula to accom-modate all the six geopolitical zones in Nigeria in order to resolve the conflicts therein.
The Social Media as a Transformative Agent in the Electoral Process DAVID N. ALMAREZ, DM; AJREE D. MALAWANI
Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 7, No 3 (2016): August 2016
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2016.0033

Abstract

The growing use of social media in social interaction has changed the mode ofpolitical campaign in the Philippines. This research sought to determine the influences of social media in the presidential prefer-ences of netizens during the campaign period for the 2016 presidential elections in the Philippines. It also looked into the pattern of the preferences of respon-dents among the five presidential candidates for the 2016 presidential election. A total of 289 respondents participated out of 1210 visitors of the link used by the researchers. The data gathering started on February 9, 2016, the start of the presidential campaign period and ended on March 27, 2016 or a total of 47 days. The timeline for data gathering was constrained by the time limit that was set for this study. The results show that social media has no strong influence in the preferences of respondents with only 44% of the respondents saying that their presidential preferences were influenced by social media. However, 75.6% . The pattern of the preferences of respondents shows strong resemblance to some mock polls conducted by other groups in the Philippines during the cam-paign period. It is recommended to continue exploring the relevance of social media as a political tool for effective communication in politics and governance.

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