Jurnal Hubungan Internasional
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional is a scientific journal published twice a year, every June and December. JHI invite discussions, reviews, and analysis of contemporary against four main themes: international peace and security; international political economy; international businesses and organization; as well as globalization and strategy. JHI published by Cakra Studi Global Strategis (CSGS), center of studies that examine the issues of international relations and this center of studies was under control by Airlangga University International Relations Department.
Articles
187 Documents
<![CDATA[Hambatan yang Dihadapi ASEAN Defense Industry Collaboration (ADIC) dalam Menentukan Platform Persenjataannya ]]>
<![CDATA[Novri Surya Ningsih]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 12 No. 1 (2019): JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v12i1.4765
<![CDATA[This article is a study of the impediments to the ASEAN Defense IndustryCollaboration (ADIC) in determining its weapons platforms. In analyzingthe impediments, this article refers to the concept of Revolution in MilitaryAffairs (RMA) which formulates that the technology, doctrine, andmilitary organization are influenced by each member of the ADIC. TheRMA is a useful concept for portraying the military characteristics ofeach member. The causality constructed in this research is between thedoctrinaire, technological, and organizational features in the determinationof military and weapons platform in the ADIC. This article findsthat there is discrepancy in existing technologies, doctrines, and militaryorganizations among members of ADIC and it creates a strong impedimentin determining weapons platforms. Without initiating strongercollaboration and setting tangible policy aims to solve common groundabsence, ADIC will not go effectively.]]>
<![CDATA[Diplomasi Teknologi Indonesia dan Spanyol dalam Pengembangan Pesawat Baling-Baling ]]>
<![CDATA[Almira Dewi Zaskya]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 12 No. 2 (2019): JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v12i2.14544
<![CDATA[This research analyzes technological diplomacy in Indonesia and Spainrelations, especially in the field of the aerospace industry technology(propeller aircraft development) that is conducted by PT DirgantaraIndonesia and Airbus Military Spain. This research will explain thedevelopment process of aerospace industry and technology since 1975.Qualitative descriptive methodologies used in this research to obtainin-depth analysis. The result of the analysis shows that there is a closerelationship beyond just the institutional relationship, that is therelationship between the two countries in this technology diplomacy.From this study it can be concluded that the technology diplomacy thathas been running and manifestly implemented for over 40 years has getto both countries having a very close and profitable relationship. Therelationships and cooperation that can be said to be familial is believed byboth parties will continue into the future.]]>
<![CDATA[Keterlibatan Amerika Serikat dalam Perang Vietnam: Faktor Ideologi, Identitas, dan Idealisme ]]>
<![CDATA[Demas Nauvarian]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 12 No. 2 (2019): JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v12i2.15317
<![CDATA[This paper aims to prove the justification of US democracy in itsconsistency in the Vietnam War for two decades (1955-1975). This wasdone using the content analysis method of the US Department of Defense’sforeign policy documents in Vietnam - the Pentagon Papers - which werethe primary documents related to the process of making US foreign policyduring the Vietnam War. This was later matched with the view of DemocraticPeace Theory (Democratic Peace Theory) which has been widelyargued as the basis for policy making in the proxy war in the Cold Warera. This paper concludes that there are various other considerations,both rational and irrational factors, which were used by the United Statesin the Vietnam War]]>
<![CDATA[Revolusi Industri Keempat: Akhir dari Buruh di Seluruh Dunia ]]>
<![CDATA[Teduh Gentar Alam]]>;
<![CDATA[Achmad Luthfi Nurrifat Antony]]>;
<![CDATA[Kezia Vanessa Hotama]]>;
<![CDATA[Syahira Syarafina Kuswandi]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 12 No. 2 (2019): JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v12i2.13311
<![CDATA[Perkembangan robotika dan kecerdasan buatan memicu Revolusi Industri Keempat yang menggeser tatanan sosial dan hubungan interpersonal. Di sekolah, dunia kerja, bahkan di dalam kehidupan sehari-hari manusia tidak dapat lepas dari teknologi. Pemakaian gawai menjadi umum, bahkan cenderung didorong agar tidak tertinggal dengan informasi yang terus muncul. Negara dan individu sama-sama mencari cara untuk tetap relevan di dunia yang semakin menghilangkan sekat-sekat dan serba instan serta otomatis. Pada 2016, World Economic Forum (WEF) mencanangkan istilah Revolusi Industri Keempat untuk menandai perubahan besar-besaran dalam cara manusia hidup. Bentuk komunikasi dan interaksi sosial mulai banyak dibantu oleh alat, seperti smartphone dan proyektor. Di tengah integrasi robot dan kecerdasan buatan dalam kehidupan sehari-hari, buruh kasar mengalami dampak signifikan. Kelas buruh harus mampu mengembangkan kreativitas dan komunikasi manusia (human communication) agar tidak tergerus arus perubahan Revolusi Industri Keempat. Tidak ada aktor yang benar-benar siap dengan Revolusi Industri Keempat. Peningkatan kemampuan manusia merupakan tugas individu dan masyrakat agar dapat bertahan dan berkembang di dunia yang berubah.]]>
<![CDATA[Resolusi Konflik di Dunia Islam: Studi Kasus Al-Shabaab di Somalia ]]>
<![CDATA[Giyandra Meisarani]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 12 No. 2 (2019): JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v12i2.16590
<![CDATA[This paper discusses conflict resolution on problems in Somalia byprinciples taught in the Islamic world. The conflict in Somalia regardingjihadist group al-Shabaab has become an international issue. Somaliaitself is a country that has just a strong government system, and hasjust recognized by international community. This phenomenon then ledto many attacks conducted by the Al-Shabaab. The attacks made Somalipeople who were not members of al-Shabaab felt insecure. With theassistance that came to the Somali government, al-Shabaab felt defensivetowards foreign countries, as well as international organizations such asIntergovernmental Authority on Drought and Desertification (IGADD)and the African Union. This is due to the fact that they felt that the assistanceprovided would affect Somalia, as they wanted to make the country with awhole Islamic system without the interference of western countries. In thegiven conflict resolution above, it adjusts to what has been taught by theProphet Muhammad who put forward peace and prosperity as an Islamicstate.]]>
<![CDATA[Ketidakaktifan yang Disengaja? Memahami Sikap Tiongkok dalam Negosiasi Isu Denuklirisasi Korea Utara ]]>
<![CDATA[Mochammad A. R. Syarafi]]>;
<![CDATA[Pasek A. Diwangkara]]>;
<![CDATA[Brian Ainurrohman]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 12 No. 2 (2019): JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v12i2.16574
<![CDATA[The bilateral meeting between the United States and North Korea, whichwas held in Hanoi in February 2019, has not resulted in any agreementbetween the two parties. Furthermore, North Korea’s construction activityof a nuclear development facility in Tongchan-ri has threatened the possibilityof any agreement between both states and has shown North Korea’spoor commitment to denuclearization. In order to understand the attitudeshown by North Korea, it is important to consider the presence of anotherdominant actor in East Asia, the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Thisresearch aims to study the significance of the North Korean denuclearizationissue for the PRC, as well as the PRC’s position in the issue. This researchutilizes a document-based data-collecting method, which includesofficial documents released by the PRC as well as literatures that havecarried out earlier studies on the topic. This research has shown that thePRC possesses significant interests and power in the denuclearization ofNorth Korea, which require the country to maintain an unclear stance inthe denuclearization process of North Korea.]]>
<![CDATA[Konfrontasi Amerika Serikat dan Iran dalam Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) ]]>
<![CDATA[Satwika Paramasatya]]>;
<![CDATA[Sigit Wiranto]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 12 No. 2 (2019): JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v12i2.14047
<![CDATA[Iran Nuclear Agreement or Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA)was the result of diplomatic negotiations achieved by the United States,United Kingdom, France, Russia, China, Germany, and Iran in 2015. Thenewly elected president of the United States Donald Trump brought newpolicies to the Iran’s nuclear issue. On May 8, 2018 The US governmentunilaterally withdraw themselves from the JCPOA agreement anddecided to reimpose the sanctions for Iran. This research tries to analyzewhy the US changed its policy to withdraw from the nuclear agreement byusing analytic eclecticism, with the combination of the security dilemmaand cognitive consistency theory. The result of this research shows thatthe US’ withdrawal from JCPOA psychologically caused by Trump’scognitive consistency. He thought that Iran’s nuclear agreement is a badand unreliable agreement because under this nuclear agreement, US andits allies still feel the security dilemma. Therefore, it pushed Trump toincrease the pressure to Iran by withdrawing themselves from the nuclearagreement.]]>
<![CDATA[Naval Diplomacy: Upaya Defensif Indonesia dalam Konflik Laut Tiongkok Selatan di Era Joko Widodo ]]>
<![CDATA[Satwika Paramasatya]]>;
<![CDATA[Wing Witjahyo Poespojoedho]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 12 No. 2 (2019): JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v12i2.14027
<![CDATA[The conflict involving many countries in the South China Sea has notended nor subsided. Regional tension and claims between countries areincreasing and Indonesia participates in this round of conflict. As theworld’s largest archipelagic country and an ASEAN member country thatupholds peace, security and regional stability, Indonesia then has to playan active role in the conflict. In order to do so, Indonesia is using navaldiplomacy as a way to achieve effective conflict resolution within theregion. Regarding the phenomenon, this study used the concept of seapower and naval diplomacy to explain measures that have been taken bythe Indonesian government under Joko Widodo’s presidency in resolvingthe conflicts involving its territories in the South China Sea. The author’sanalysis showed that Indonesia’s policies of using naval diplomacy in theSouth China Sea conflict have a positive and effective outcome in achievingconflict resolution and peace condition that has been confined by longtermobstacles and challenges.]]>
<![CDATA[Implementasi RPOA-IUU di Kawasan Asia Tenggara ]]>
<![CDATA[Mauly Dini Budiyanti]]>;
<![CDATA[Arfin Sudirman]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 12 No. 2 (2019): JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v12i2.16593
<![CDATA[Southeast Asia is one of the areas vulnerable to IUU Fishing. This problemhas transnational characteristics starting from location, perpetratorand flag of the ship. The perpetrators of IUU Fishing mostly come fromneighboring countries. Therefore, handling this problem requires ajoint role and commitment. One of the regional measures in dealingthis problem is through Regional Plan of Action to Promote ResponsibleFishing Practices including Combating IUU Fishing (RPOA-IUU) whichcontains various recommendations for actions to promote responsibleand sustainable fishing. This paper will discuss the capabilities andwillingness of RPOA-IUU implementation by its five member countries,Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Thailand and Vietnam, as well as theimplementation gap that arises when the actual implementation of eachcountry is not in accordance with what has been agreed. This paper usesdescriptive qualitative methods in explaining the implementation of theRPOA IUU by each country and also uses the regime implementationtheory to analyze the implementation gap in the RPOA-IUU.]]>
<![CDATA[Program PetroCaribe sebagai Strategi Ekonomi Venezuela Era Presiden Nicolas Maduro ]]>
<![CDATA[Debby Aurellia]]>;
<![CDATA[Yasinta D. Febriana]]>;
<![CDATA[N. Salaeh]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol. 12 No. 2 (2019): JURNAL HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Airlangga ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v12i2.16589
<![CDATA[PetroCaribe is an oil organization initiated by Venezuela for countries inthe Caribbean region as a mean to economic diplomacy and overcomethe oil crisis within the country. Furthermore, PetroCaribe aims to provideoil to countries in the Caribbean at low prices. This study aims tofind out the reasons behind the retention of PetroCaribe as a way to overcomethe economic crisis in Venezuela, and the influence of the existenceof PetroCaribe on countries in the Caribbean region. The approachused in this study is the liberal institutionalist theory, which regardsthe state as a selfish rational actor in operating internationally so thatagreements cannot be enforced hierarchically. Therefore, internationalorganizations can only expect cooperation to occur if the states havethe same interests. This is where PetroCaribe become useful as a formof organization that accommodates the cooperation of the Venezuelanstate as the main actor with Caribbean countries in the economic field. Themethod used in this study is qualitative and descriptive.]]>
