Episteme: Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman
Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman merupakan jurnal akademik multidisipliner yang diterbitkan oleh Pascasarjana Institut Agama Islam Negeri (IAIN) Tulungagung. Epistemé terbit dua nomor setiap tahunnya, pada bulan Juni dan Desember. Artikel yang diterbitkan meliputi kajian Islam yang ditinjau dari berbagai perspektif, mulai dari komunikasi, antropologi, pendidikan, ekonomi, sosiologi, filologi, pendidikan, filsafat dan lain sebagainya. Jurnal ini didedikasikan kepada akademisi, dan pemerhati bidang kajian studi Islam. Artikel yang diterbitkan harus berupa karya orisinal dan tidak harus sejalan dengan pandangan redaksi.
Articles
342 Documents
<![CDATA[GENDER IN ISLAMIC INHERITANCE ]]>
<![CDATA[Rahmatullah Rahmatullah]]>
<![CDATA[ Epistemé: Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman Vol 15 No 1 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[IAIN Tulungagung ]]>
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DOI: 10.21274/epis.2020.15.1.99-119
<![CDATA[This article examines a debate on gender equality, which is considered by some to be in conflict with the Qur’an, an-Nisa [4]:11. Using a philosophical approach and analyzing Sa‘ id Ramadan al-Buti’s concept of inheritance in his Al-Mar’ah Bayna Tughyan al-Nizam al-Gharbi wa Lata’if al-Tashri’ al-Rabbani, this paper tries to refute this allegation and offers a more gender-friendly interpretation. For al-Buti, the verse has actually liberated women because the provisions are caused by the responsibilities imposed by Islam on men as prospective husbands, not on women. On the contrary, if women are more empowered than men, that becomes a moral issue, not a shari’a one. Women have been given freedom by the shari’a in order to determine their choice to participate in bringing about stability in life. A condition that women are more empowered than men will not be the cause of changes in the shari’a’s provisions concerning inheritance.]]>
<![CDATA[ETHNICITY AND ISLAMIC ACTIVISM IN DIASPORA ]]>
<![CDATA[Abdul Wahid Hasyim]]>
<![CDATA[ Epistemé: Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman Vol 15 No 1 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[IAIN Tulungagung ]]>
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DOI: 10.21274/epis.2020.15.1.55-74
<![CDATA[This article examines the “urang awak”, a term referring to the Minangnese who trace their origin to Minangkabau in West Sumatera , and their dakwah activism in diaspora. It problematises the relation of Islam activism and ethnic identity of a diasporic community in contemporary West-Java, Indonesia. It further argues that mosque has been central to the activities of dakwah activism of the urang awak in diaspora. As this article demonstrates, the Harakatul Jannah Mosque and Al-Anwar Mosque reserve as important bases for dakwah activism of urang awak in a dominant culture of Sundanese and Javanese. Through these mosques, the urang awak attempt to preserve their ethnic identity, mainly expressed through the mosques’ architecture, language, and religious activities that clearly symbolise the identity of urang awak.]]>
<![CDATA[ISLAMIC POPULISM IN POST-TRUTH INDONESIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Rubaidi Rubaidi]]>
<![CDATA[ Epistemé: Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman Vol 15 No 02 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[IAIN Tulungagung ]]>
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DOI: 10.21274/epis.2020.15.02.265-286
<![CDATA[This article examines the rise of Islamic populism in post-truth Indonesia. It particularly discusses the proliferation of Islamic populism narratives in social media that lead to hoaxes and hate speeches which appeared in series of political elections. This article argues that there has been a similar pattern of Indonesian form of populism to that of other parts of western countries, particularly the US and the UK. Like populism in the latter two countries, the issue of “indigeneity” has generated the reproduction of post-truth narrates, ranging from false-news, hoaxes, and hate-speeches, blaiming the so-called “foreign” elements of the country. Islamist mobilisation is central to explain the proliferation of post-truth politics which cultivates tensions and divisions among society and reserves as a threat to democratic consolidation in contemporary Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[ISLAMIC EDUCATION IN A MINORITY SETTING ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad Fahmi]]>;
<![CDATA[M Ridlwan Nasir]]>;
<![CDATA[Masdar Hilmy]]>
<![CDATA[ Epistemé: Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman Vol 15 No 02 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[IAIN Tulungagung ]]>
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DOI: 10.21274/epis.2020.15.02.345-364
<![CDATA[This study documents how multicultural education is constructed and implemented in a local pesantren in Tabanan, Bali, Indonesia, namely PBBI (Pesantren Bali Bina Insani). It demonstrates that the multicultural education in this pesantren is based upon the reality of religious, cultural, ethnic, group, and gender diversity that exists surrounding the pesantren. Teaching and administrative staff of this pesantren consist of Muslims and Hindus. Students come from the different socio-cultural backgrounds. Inclusive and tolerance values are incorporated into the curriculum of the pesantren. Multicultural education in this pesantren has become a strategic instrument for adaptation to the Hindu environment where it is located. The pesantren teaches students how to implement Islamic teaching on pluralism and inclusivism in their daily activities.]]>
<![CDATA[THE PEACOCK IN SUFI COSMOLOGY AND POPULAR RELIGION ]]>
<![CDATA[Martin van Bruinessen]]>
<![CDATA[ Epistemé: Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman Vol 15 No 02 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[IAIN Tulungagung ]]>
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DOI: 10.21274/epis.2020.15.02.177-219
<![CDATA[In various cultural and religious contexts, from West Asia to Southeast Asia, we come across a number of quite similar creation myths in which a peacock, seated on a cosmic tree, plays a central part. For the Yezidis, a sect of Sufi origins that has moved away from Islam, the Peacock Angel, who is the most glorious of the angels, is the master of the created world. This belief may be related to early Muslim cosmologies involving the Muhammadan Light (Nur Muhammad), which in some narratives had the shape of a peacock and participated in creation. In a different set of myths, the peacock and the Tree of Certainty (shajarat al-yaqīn) play a role in Adam and Eve’s fall and expulsion from Paradise. The central myth of the South Indian Hindu cult of the god Murugan also involves a tree and a peacock. The myth is enacted in the annual ritual of Thaipusam, like the Nur Muhammad myth is still enacted annually in the Maulid festival of Cikoang in South Sulawesi. Images of the peacock, originating from South India, have moved across cultural and religious boundaries and have been adopted as representing the different communities’ peacock myths.]]>
<![CDATA[AUTHORSHIP OF THE JAWI ‘ULAMA’ IN EGYPT ]]>
<![CDATA[Jajang A Rohmana]]>
<![CDATA[ Epistemé: Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman Vol 15 No 02 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[IAIN Tulungagung ]]>
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DOI: 10.21274/epis.2020.15.02.221-264
<![CDATA[Nawawī of Banten (1813–1897) and Haji Hasan Mustapa (1852–1930) are two important figures of Malay-Indonesian Muslim scholars (‘ulamā’) who have been widely studied. However, personal proximity of these two ‘ulamā’ seems to escape from scholarly discussion. Seen from the light of scholarly commenting (sharh) tradition, this study on the other hand attempts to show their personal proximity between the senior teacher and young student when they lived in Mecca in the late nineteenth century. The sharh tradition of these two ‘ulamā’ particularly through appear in Nawawī’s al-’Iqd al-Thamīn that aims to comment on Mustapa’s work, Al-Fath al-Mubīn, and Mustapa’s al-Lum’a al-Nūrāniyya, a response to Nawawī’s al-Shadra al-Jummāniyya. These two Arabic books (s. kitab; p. kutub) were published in Cairo, Egypt. This article further argues that the sharh tradition situates authority and reputation as the epicenter of scholarly discussion between the two ‘ulamā’ who were influential among the Jawah community. It also argues that these two Sundanese scholars contributed significantly in the transmission of Islamic learning in the early twentieth century Middle East. Their works show a scholarly reputation which delivers insights on exceptionality of Islamic and Malay archipelagic issues and serve as a global contribution of Malay-Indonesian ‘ulamā’ to the triumph of Islamic learning traditions.]]>
<![CDATA[PROPHET’S MEDICINE AMONG THE CONTEMPORARY INDONESIAN SALAFI GROUPS ]]>
<![CDATA[Jajang Jahroni]]>
<![CDATA[ Epistemé: Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman Vol 15 No 02 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[IAIN Tulungagung ]]>
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DOI: 10.21274/epis.2020.15.02.315-343
<![CDATA[The old-centuries medical forms claimed to have been exemplified by the Prophet Muhammad, called Prophet’s medicine, have been reinvented by the contemporary Indonesian Salafis. This invention is parts of their attempts to return all aspects of life to the authoritative resources. In doing so, the Salafis use modern packaging to attract non-Salafi Muslims. As a result, Prophet’s medicine has been popular among certain Muslim groups. The presence of Prophet’s medicine, to some extent, challenges conventional medicine which is hardly affordable by the average people. This is made possible by an open political climate which occurs in Indonesia over the last two decades. It eventually leads to the diversity of medicinal knowledge in the country.]]>
<![CDATA[ISLAM, ETHNICITY, NATIONALISM, AND THE BURMESE ROHINGYA CRISIS ]]>
<![CDATA[Mark Woodward]]>
<![CDATA[ Epistemé: Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman Vol 15 No 02 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[IAIN Tulungagung ]]>
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DOI: 10.21274/epis.2020.15.02.287-314
<![CDATA[This article discusses the world’s most oppressed people, the Muslim Rohingya of Burma (Myanmar) through the lens of “state symbologies and critical juncture”. It further argues the amalgamation of Burmese-Buddhist ethno-nationalism and anti-Muslim hate speech have become elements of Burma’s state symbology and components. Colonialism established conditions in which ethno-religious conflict could develop through policies that destroyed the civic religious pluralism characteristic of pre-colonial states. Burmese Buddhist ethno-religious nationalism is responsible for a series of communal conflicts and state repression because it did not recognize Muslims and other minorities as full and equal participants in the post-colonial national project. Therefore, the cycles of violence and the complexities of inter-ethnic and inter-religious relations indicate that Burmese political culture has become increasingly violent and genocidal.]]>
<![CDATA[THE DYNAMICS OF PESANTREN LEADERSHIP FROM THE DUTCH ETHICAL POLICY TO THE REFORMATION PERIODS ]]>
<![CDATA[Auliya Ridwan]]>
<![CDATA[ Epistemé: Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman Vol 15 No 02 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[IAIN Tulungagung ]]>
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DOI: 10.21274/epis.2020.15.02.365-400
<![CDATA[In its early periods, pesantren as a type of Islamic educational institution focused merely on religious teachings. Socio-political pressures and the need to carry out Islamic outreach have pushed kiai as pesantren leaders to negotiate their idealism according to the circumstances in different historical periods. Historical accounts from the Dutch colonial period to Indonesian independence show that kiai leadership becomes the decisive factor as well as the legitimation for pesantren to take certain actions during precarious situations. To examine the institutional development of pesantren in the post-reformation era, a recent ethnographic fieldwork has been carried out in three pesantren in Madura, Java, and Lombok. This paper discusses the development and transformation of pesantren as an institution from the Dutch Ethical Policy Period until today. It demonstrates pesantren’s involvement in anti-Western campaigns and trials of affiliation with oppositions in the colonial period. This paper shows how Islamic virtues remain the heart of pesantren education and examines how innovation in contemporary pesantren regarding pedagogies and values translated in seemingly non-religious areas is substantially based on religious values.]]>
<![CDATA[THE OBSERVER OBSERVED ]]>
<![CDATA[Nico J.G. Kaptein]]>
<![CDATA[ Epistemé: Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman Vol 16 No 01 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[IAIN Tulungagung ]]>
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DOI: 10.21274/epis.2021.16.01.1-14
<![CDATA[In his seminal Islam Observed: Religious Developments in Morocco and Indonesia from 1968, the American anthropologist Clifford Geertz (1926-2006) placed the comparative study of Muslim societies on the research agenda. In view of my knowledge on the history of Islam in Indonesia, it stroke me that the political dimension of religion did not take an important place in the book. This is the more remarkable because during Geertz’s fieldwork in Java in 1953-4 manifestations of political Islam regularly popped up, and Geertz did not only notice those, but also recorded them in his book The Religion of Java from 1960. In this paper I will go into the question of why Geertz did not give a more prominent place to political Islam in his analysis of Muslim cultures, and what concepts of both Islam and religion he used.]]>
