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All Journal STUDIA ISLAMIKA JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN ISLAM Teosofi: Jurnal Tasawuf dan Pemikiran Islam Al-Tahrir: Jurnal Pemikiran Islam EDUKASIA QIJIS (Qudus International Journal Of Islamic Studies) ISLAMICA: Jurnal Studi Keislaman Asia Pacific Journal on Religion and Society Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Episteme: Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman Al-Ihkam: Jurnal Hukum dan Pranata Sosial MIQOT: Jurnal Ilmu-ilmu Keislaman Jurnal Pendidikan Agama Islam (Journal of Islamic Education Studies) JICSA Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik JURNAL IQRA´ Jurnal Pendidikan Islam Indonesian Al-Daulah : Jurnal Hukum dan Perundangan Islam Al-Hayat: Journal of Islamic Education Kelola: Journal of Islamic Education Management Edukasi Islami: Jurnal Pendidikan Islam Anterior Jurnal Khazanah: Jurnal Studi Islam dan Humaniora TSAQAFAH Saliha : Jurnal Pendidikan dan Agama Islam Education and Human Development Journal Jurnal Ilmu Hukum Tambun Bungai Asy-Syariah Proceedings of International Conference on Da'wa and Communication Proceedings of Annual Conference for Muslim Scholars Ulumuna At-Tadbir : Jurnal Manajemen Pendidikan Islam Legal Protection for the Partnership Agreement Parties Millah: Journal of Religious Studies Jurnal Pendidikan Islam Indonesia International Journal of Integrative Sciences RESLAJ: Religion Education Social Laa Roiba Journal Epistemé: Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman Al-Hayat: Journal of Islamic Education Jurnal Pendidikan Islam Studia Islamika Jurnal Abdimas Cendekiawan Indonesia
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The Politics of Retaliation: the Backlash of Radical Islamists to the Deradicalization Project in Indonesia Hilmy, Masdar
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 51, No 1 (2013)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2013.511.129-158

Abstract

This paper seeks to analyze how the program of deradicalization in Indonesia is approached, understood and treated by radical Islamists. This paper argues that the deradicalization program in this country has invited controversies, criticisms and even backlash from radical Islamists on the grounds that it goes against the principles of human rights because of state’s intervention into religious life of its citizens. In addition, it is carried out by violent method which mostly ends with killing the accused terrorists along with the arrest and ambush by security officers. In order to analyze the focus of the study, this paper employs socio-political approach. This paper finds that more thorough approach needs to be employed by the state within the framework of human rights. Therefore, the ideology of radical Islamism and terrorism must be dealt with from two sides; at the upstream and the downstream levels. At the upstream level, the program of deradicalization must be carried out within the framework of interdepartmental and ministerial partnership. This program should invite as many institutions as possible to be involved and reach as wide audience as possible. At the downstream level, the program of deradicalization must abide to human rights principles. The security approach taken by the government should not end with killing or dehumanizing terrorists. By doing so, the national program of deradicalization can appeal as wide sympathy possible and will not harvest backlash from the Islamists. [Artikel ini mendiskusikan bagaimana program deradikalisasi di Indonesia dipahami, dimengerti, dan disikapi oleh kalangan Islamis. Tulisan ini berasumsi bahwa program deradikalisasi yang dilakukan memincu kontroversi, kritik, bahkan memicu juga aksi balasan yang dilancarkan kalangan Islamis radikal. Beberapa kalangan menilai program tersebut melanggar prinsip hak asasi manusia karena merepresentasikan bentuk intervensi negara terhadap kehidupan beragama masyarakatnya. Lebih dari itu, beberapa program dilaksanakan dengan melakukan tindak kekerasan dan kerap berakhir dengan penangkapan, penganiayaan, bahkan pembunuhan tersangka teroris. Dalam menganalisis tema tulisan, pendekatan sosialpolitik digunakan. Artikel ini kemudian menemukan bahwa pendekatan yang berangkat dari nilai-nilai hak asasi manusia perlu dipertegas. Karena itu, ideologi islamis-radikal and terorisme harus dilihat melalui dua sisi secara bersama. Pada level atas, program deradikalisasi dilakukan dengan kerjasama antar lembaga dan kementerian terkait. Dengan begitu, program deradikalisasi diwujudkan dengan mengajak sebanyak-banyaknya lembaga untuk terlibat serta memperluas target audien. Pada level bawah, program deradikalisasi harus mematuhi prinsip hak asasi manusia. Pendekatan keamanan yang dominan dilakukan tidak harus berakhir dengan membunuh atau dengan melanggar hak asasi manusia yang juga melekat pada diri Islamis dan teroris. Dengan model seperti ini, program nasional deradikalisasi mampu memperoleh dukungan dan simpati masyarakat luas dan dapat meredam aksi balasan kalangan Islamis.]
Akar-akar Transnasionalisme Islam Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) Hilmy, Masdar
ISLAMICA: Jurnal Studi Keislaman Vol 6, No 1 (2011): Islamica
Publisher : Program Pascasarjana UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (94.393 KB) | DOI: 10.15642/islamica.2011.6.1.1-13

Abstract

This paper tries to trace and analyze the roots of“Islamic transnationalism” or “transnational Islam” in Indonesia through the lens of the three theoretical frameworks that I borrowed from Mandaville as follows: (1) travelling theory; (2) hibridity theory, and; (3) diasphora theory. The paper focuses its analysis on an Islamic movement who carries the ideology of “Islamic transnationalism” (khilâ fah Islâmiyah), namely Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). Before delving into the details of HTI’s ideological roots of transnational Islam, however, a conceptual definition of “transnational Islam” will be elucidated in advance.
The Politics of Retaliation: the Backlash of Radical Islamists to the Deradicalization Project in Indonesia Hilmy, Masdar
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 51, No 1 (2013)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2013.511.129-158

Abstract

This paper seeks to analyze how the program of deradicalization in Indonesia is approached, understood and treated by radical Islamists. This paper argues that the deradicalization program in this country has invited controversies, criticisms and even backlash from radical Islamists on the grounds that it goes against the principles of human rights because of state’s intervention into religious life of its citizens. In addition, it is carried out by violent method which mostly ends with killing the accused terrorists along with the arrest and ambush by security officers. In order to analyze the focus of the study, this paper employs socio-political approach. This paper finds that more thorough approach needs to be employed by the state within the framework of human rights. Therefore, the ideology of radical Islamism and terrorism must be dealt with from two sides; at the upstream and the downstream levels. At the upstream level, the program of deradicalization must be carried out within the framework of interdepartmental and ministerial partnership. This program should invite as many institutions as possible to be involved and reach as wide audience as possible. At the downstream level, the program of deradicalization must abide to human rights principles. The security approach taken by the government should not end with killing or dehumanizing terrorists. By doing so, the national program of deradicalization can appeal as wide sympathy possible and will not harvest backlash from the Islamists.[Artikel ini mendiskusikan bagaimana program deradikalisasi di Indonesia dipahami, dimengerti, dan disikapi oleh kalangan Islamis. Tulisan ini berasumsi bahwa program deradikalisasi yang dilakukan memincu kontroversi, kritik, bahkan memicu juga aksi balasan yang dilancarkan kalangan Islamis radikal. Beberapa kalangan menilai program tersebut melanggar prinsip hak asasi manusia karena merepresentasikan bentuk intervensi negara terhadap kehidupan beragama masyarakatnya. Lebih dari itu, beberapa program dilaksanakan dengan melakukan tindak kekerasan dan kerap berakhir dengan penangkapan, penganiayaan, bahkan pembunuhan tersangka teroris. Dalam menganalisis tema tulisan, pendekatan sosialpolitik digunakan. Artikel ini kemudian menemukan bahwa pendekatan yang berangkat dari nilai-nilai hak asasi manusia perlu dipertegas. Karena itu, ideologi islamis-radikal and terorisme harus dilihat melalui dua sisi secara bersama. Pada level atas, program deradikalisasi dilakukan dengan kerjasama antar lembaga dan kementerian terkait. Dengan begitu, program deradikalisasi diwujudkan dengan mengajak sebanyak-banyaknya lembaga untuk terlibat serta memperluas target audien. Pada level bawah, program deradikalisasi harus mematuhi prinsip hak asasi manusia. Pendekatan keamanan yang dominan dilakukan tidak harus berakhir dengan membunuh atau dengan melanggar hak asasi manusia yang juga melekat pada diri Islamis dan teroris. Dengan model seperti ini, program nasional deradikalisasi mampu memperoleh dukungan dan simpati masyarakat luas dan dapat meredam aksi balasan kalangan Islamis.]
The Political Economy of Sunni-Shi’ah Conflict in Sampang Madura Hilmy, Masdar
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 53, No 1 (2015)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2015.531.27-51

Abstract

Many overlooked the fact that politico-economic factors played an important role behind the 2011 and 2012 Sunni-Shi’ah conflict in Sampang Madura. Some, however, argue that the Sunni-Shi’ah conflict was merely driven by theological factors. The major roots of the conflict thus were therefore the internal dimensions of religious beliefs as contained in its doctrines. As a result, the conflict can only be explained in terms of religious and theological framework. This assumption is commonly shared by the majority of Madurese Muslims by arguing that the island of Madura cannot host the believers of non-Sunni. In the aftermath of the conflict, the community of Shi’ah has been forced to seek refuge outside of the land of Madura. By doing so, many observers and the Madurese Muslims tends to have treated political and economic factors as peripheral that exacerbated the escalation of conflict. This article, however, argues vice-versa that it is not theology, but politics and economy, which mainly steered the conflict. Theology played a role in exacerbating the escalation of conflict. During the conflict, religious and theological arguments were deployed as a mobilizing force in order to justify the conflict. Furthermore, the existence of Shi’ah community in Sampang is regarded by the mainstream Sunni community as a threat to their long domination over the socio-political structure in that region. The paper, thus, perceives the conflict as the way the local elites maintain the established mode of production. This paper is qualitative research that employs political-economy as its main approach in analyzing the data. [Para pengamat banyak tidak melihat aktor politik dan ekonomi di balik konflik Sunni dan Syiah 2011 dan 2012 di Sampang Madura. Para peneliti bahkan beranggapan bahwa konflik Sunni-Syiah itu dilatari oleh faktor teologis. Ini artinya bahwa tiap kelompok memegang sistem kepercayaan yang berbeda. Akar utama dari konflik itu pada persoalan agama dan doktrinnya yang menyebabkan konflik. Walhasil, konflik hanya bisa dijelaskan dari kerangka keagamaan dan teologis. Asumsi ini banyak dipegang oleh mayoritas Muslim Madura dengan berasalan bahwa orang Madura tidak menerima selain Sunni, termasuk Syiah. Setelah konflik, masyarakat Syiah dipaksa untuk mengungsi ke luar pulau Madura. Dengan begitu, banyak pengamat dan juga masyarakat Muslim Madura melihat faktor politis dan ekonomi hanya pinggiran yang memperparah konflik. Artikel ini beranggapan sebaliknya, bahwa politis dan ekonomi merupakan faktor utama. Teologi hanya memperparah saja. Pada saat konflik, faktor teologis dan agamis digunakan sebagai kekuatan untuk mobilisasi dan menjustifikasinya. Selanjutnya, keberadaan komunitas Syiah di Sampang dianggap sebagai ancaman bagi dominasi Sunni pada struktur sosio politis daerah itu. Artikel ini menganggap bahwa konflik hanyalah sebagai sarana elit lokal untuk mempertahankan dominasi sistem ekonomi. Makalah ini pada dasarnya merupakan penelitian kualitatif yang melihat faktor politis ekonomis sebagai pendekatan dan analisis data].
"Kuno" dan "Kini" dalam Pemikiran (Hukum) Islam Hilmy, Masdar
al-Daulah: Jurnal Hukum dan Perundangan Islam Vol 1 No 01 (2011): April 2011
Publisher : Prodi Siyasah Jinayah (Hukum Tata Negara dan Hukum Pidana Islam) Fakultas Syariah dan Hukum UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (14.419 KB) | DOI: 10.15642/ad.2011.1.01.43-68

Abstract

Abstrak: Artikel ini berusaha membahas pergulatan eksistensial yang dialami oleh hampir setiap ummat beragama dalam mengidentifikasi apa yang diyakini sebagai sebuah “otentisitas” keberagamaan. Pergulatan ini biasanya berangkat dari proses mengenali yang “asali”, sesuatu yang pertama kali muncul dan dianggap sebagai sebuah gambar ideal dalam perilaku keberagamaan. Namun proses pengenalan semacam ini menjadi sebuah dinamika yang tidak mudah, mengingat proses semacam ini selalu melibatkan dialektika relasi segitiga antara pembaca, obyek yang dibaca, dan konteks pembacaan yang selalu berubah. Selain itu, proses kognisi individual yang beraneka ragam semakin memperumit proses artikulasi keberagamaan yang ada.Kata Kunci: Pemikiran Islam, liberatif, sejarah
Genealogi dan Pengaruh Ideologi Jihadisme Negara Islam Iraq dan Suriah (NIIS) di Indonesia Hilmy, Masdar
TEOSOFI: Jurnal Tasawuf dan Pemikiran Islam Vol. 4 No. 2 (2014): December
Publisher : Program Studi Filsafat Agama Fakultas Ushuluddin dan Filsafat UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (517.514 KB) | DOI: 10.15642/teosofi.2014.4.2.404-428

Abstract

This paper tries to analyze the ideology of jihadism as developed by the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), its genealogy and its influence in Indonesia. This paper argues that ISIS does not represent the replica of other jihadist ideologies and movements such as al-Qaeda, regardless of its historical relation in the past. Rather, ISIS represents itself, a focal point where its ideologues eclectically coin and pick some religious doctrines with their own way and method. Even though ISIS claims that it follows Sunnî school of thought, in reality it poses extreme ideology which diametric-ally differs from the mainstream Sunnî ideology. Due to its extreme ideology, its existence has been rejected not only by the mainstream Muslim scholars, but also by their fellow jihadists. Despite such a rejection, it still appeals tacit sympathy and support from some jihadist group in Indonesia such as Ba?asyir?s led-Jama?ah Anshorut Tauhid (JAT) and Santoso?s clandestine Mujahidin Indonesia Timur. Keywords: NIIS, jihadisme, khilâfah, al-Qaeda, JAT.
THE CONFIGURATION OF RADICAL ISLAMISM IN INDONESIA: Some Contemporary Assessments and Trajectories Hilmy, Masdar
AL-TAHRIR Vol 14, No 1 (2014): Islam Liberalisme dan Fundamentalisme
Publisher : IAIN Ponorogo

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21154/al-tahrir.v14i1.84

Abstract

This paper attempts at analyzing the configuration of radical Islamism in contemporary Indonesia. The basic argument developed throughout this paper is that the reality of radical Islamism will always exist as long as all necessary conditions are there. Adopting the opportunity structure theory, among the necessary conditions that lead to the birth and existence of radical Islamism are: 1) Islamist ideology derived from the sacred texts, the Qur’an and Sunnah; 2) socio-political setting and issues where Muslims live; 3) actors, the Islamists, who craft the logics of Islamist ideology based on the interplay between the issues prevalent in the Muslims’ socio-political setting and the ideology constructed from the sacred texts. This article is divided into parts as follows: 1) the streams in Islamist thought and movement; 2) the anatomy of radical Islamism; 3) the membership of radical Islamism, and 4) the trajectories of radical Islamism, before it is ended with concluding remarks.
Winning the Battle of Authorities: The Muslim Disputes Over the Covid-19 Pandemic Plague in Contemporary Indonesia Hilmy, Masdar; Niam, Khoirun
QIJIS Vol 8, No 2 (2020)
Publisher : IAIN Kudus

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21043/qijis.v8i2.7670

Abstract

Scholarly works on the way Indonesian Muslims perceive and respond to a pandemic—including Covid-19—have left an untouched theoretical gap. Works on pandemics or plagues mostly consist of sporadic and preliminary brief reflective pieces. This article endeavors to fill the academic gap concerning this theme. This article seeks to portray the dynamics of the religious disputes among Indonesian Muslims about the Covid-19 pandemic that affects the entire world. Using a qualitative method of analysis based on data derived from various sources - such as social and non-social media like newspapers and such - the paper argues that the public sphere serves as an open stage to contest ideas among society members where ideas based on sacred and scientific texts are publicly tested. While the majority of Muslims comply with the official disease prevention protocol, others resist it on the grounds that the protocol might undermine the spirit of Islam and the quality of the faith. Their resistance to some degree indicates the dominance of the deductive paradigm that religious authority is endangered in the public sphere.
TOWARDS A RELIGIOUSLY HYBRID IDENTITY? The Changing Face of Javanese Islam Masdar Hilmy
JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN ISLAM Vol 12, No 1 (2018)
Publisher : State Islamic University (UIN) of Sunan Ampel Surabaya

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (502.122 KB) | DOI: 10.15642/JIIS.2018.12.1.45-68

Abstract

This article seeks to revisit the discussion of Javanese Islam from an alternative point of view. It argues that the presentation of Javanese Islam in the previous studies is no longer adequate to accommodate the most current transformation of Javanese Islam. The identity of Javanese Islam can neither be seen from syncretic point of view nor normative perspective per se, since the identity of Javanese Islam has transformed itself into something different from the past. Becoming an abangan or santri in the post-Geertz era, represents the making of a religiously hybrid identity. In the context of Geertz, to become an abangan means he/she cannot become a santri at once. At that time, a pure and puritan abangan, was hardly a practicing Muslim, but nominal Muslim. Becoming a santri, on the other hand, had to be done by disentangling any type of identity in kejawen sense. Javanese Islam has to do with whatever-you-like mentality that forms a hybrid identity among the Javanese Muslims.
MUSLIMS' APPROACHES TO DEMOCRACY: Islam and Democracy in Contemporary Indonesia Masdar Hilmy
JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN ISLAM Vol 1, No 1 (2007)
Publisher : State Islamic University (UIN) of Sunan Ampel Surabaya

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (262.564 KB) | DOI: 10.15642/JIIS.2007.1.1.42-74

Abstract